This book attempts to convey the different sociological contexts for how contemporary anarchist theory and practice is to be understood. It concentrates on the issue of broadening the parameters of how anarchist theory and practice is conceptualized. The book compares the major philosophical differences and strategies between the classical period (what Dave Morland calls 'social anarchism') and the contemporary anti-capitalist movements which he regards as being poststructuralist in nature. It also documents the emergence of the now highly influential anti-technological and anti-civilisational strand in anarchist thought. This offers something of a challenge to anarchism as a political philosophy of the Enlightenment, as well as to other contemporary versions of ecological anarchism and, to some extent, anarcho-communism. The book further provides a snapshot of a number of debates and critical positions which inform contemporary anarchist practice. The specific areas covered offer unique perspectives on sexuality, education, addiction and mental health aspects of socialisation and how this can be challenged at a number of different levels. The fact that anarchism has largely premised its critique on a psychological dimension to power relations, not just a material one, has been an advantage in this respect. Ecological anarchism, which has been the driving force behind much contemporary anarchist theory and practice, has been committed to thinking about the relationships between people and 'nature' in new ways.
Security and complex political emergencies instead of development
Gorm Rye Olsen
This chapter argues that the Third World in general, and Africa in particular, are becoming more and more important components in the European Union's (EU) efforts to develop into a significant international player. It includes a separate discussion of the role of the mass media because the media is supposed to play a unique role in encouraging political reactions to humanitarian emergencies. The chapter deals with aspects of the foreign and security policy that relate to development and crisis management. It describes the external actions of the Union as the outcome of a number of bargaining and decision-making processes, which take place both in the individual member states and in Brussels. The chapter assumes that a thorough understanding of Europe's Africa policy has to be founded on an analysis of the national interests of individual member states.
The impact of EU membership and advancing integration
This chapter examines two main lines of developments within the European Union (EU) that have affected the geographical scope of, political priority for, and substantive orientation of, its development cooperation policy. These are the changes in EU membership over time and the ever advancing European integration process. Between 1957 and 1995, the original six-member European Economic Community grew to the current fifteen-member European Union. There has been a historical pattern of new European Community member states influencing the geographical scope of EC development policy and programmes. The chapter shows that their overall impact on development policy has been significant, especially since the 1990s. In particular, expanding EU membership, Constituent Treaty changes, the Common Foreign and Security Policy, and the pressure to increase accountability, transparency and efficiency, have diluted the Union's interest in development cooperation with the South.
This chapter presents an anatomical comparison of the conflicts in Chechnya and Kosovo, emphasising the remarkable similarity between the two. It focuses on to the responses of Russia and North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) to the respective Chechen and Kosovo problems. The chapter discusses rationales and motives can, in the absence of any convincing Realist interests, best explain NATO's and Russia's decision to go to war. It shows how Chechnya and Kosovo are linked, both by Realpolitik and, perhaps more directly, by each being the focal point of an on-going war of interpretation. The outcome of each of these wars of interpretation may influence the European security landscape more than the 'hot war' in Kosovo. Both the Chechen and the Kosovo conflict are essentially a by-product of the breakdown of the Soviet and Yugoslav ethno-federations.
The city is pictured as an arena where diverse social groups or networks may co-exist in an atmosphere of mutual toleration, while the community is seen as a cohesive unit where conformity is fostered at the expense of diversity, thereby breeding intolerance. This chapter aims to assess whether the picture of city life and community, and their relative merits, can be sustained. In Iris Young's view, city life provides a much more attractive social and political ideal than community, for it can allow difference to be truly respected. Young argues that the privileging of face-to-face relations inherent in the ideal of community serves to devalue non-communal encounters and divert our attention away from their importance. In Young's view, city life potentially incorporates the ideal of 'openness to unassimilated otherness'.
Georgia makes an incredibly rich and uniquely complicated case for the analysis of modern civil wars. The central issue in both the political economy of Georgian wars and the post-war reconstruction was corruption, which penetrated into all spheres of social organisation and corroded all state structures to a degree of complete functional stupor. From the moment that Georgia restored its independence, it had found itself engulfed by political violence organised along several separate but criss-crossing tracks, with destabilising impulses spreading unchecked. The conflict in South-Ossetia escalated into violence earlier than most other conflicts in the Caucasus. This was unexpected because in relations between Tbilisi and Tskhinval, there had never been such tensions as there had been, for instance, in the Abkhazian case. Abkhazia managed to stay away from the escalation of war in South-Ossetia and from the internal struggle in Georgia.
This chapter looks at Henry Pelling's early work on the origins of the Labour Party and shows how it was based on a coherent, if theoretically understated conception of class and politics in modern Britain. It examines some of Pelling's unpublished papers to explore the influences on his thinking of a distinctive and, for an allegedly dull historian, perhaps surprisingly continental strand of socialist thought. The chapter demonstrates that a position is sympathetic to the moderate mainstream of the Labour Party. Pelling's subsequent doctoral research on the early history of the Independent Labour Party (ILP) brought him into personal contact with many of the by-then-elderly pioneers of British Labour politics. The Origins of the Labour Party did contain significant teleological elements, for it identified those chains of events, which led to the end-point of the foundation conference in 1900.
Multinational corporations are not merely the problem in environmental concerns, but could also be part of the solution. The oil industry and climate change provide the clearest example of how the two are linked; what is less well known is how the industry is responding to these concerns. This book presents a detailed study of the climate strategies of ExxonMobil, Shell and Statoil. Using an analytical approach, the chapters explain variations at three decision-making levels: within the companies themselves, in the national home-bases of the companies and at an international level. The analysis generates policy-relevant knowledge about whether and how corporate resistance to a viable climate policy can be overcome. The analytical approach developed by this book is also applicable to other areas of environmental degradation where multinational corporations play a central role.
This chapter evaluates and compares the strategies adopted by ExxonMobil, the Shell Group and Statoil on the climate change issue. It focuses on a key set of four indicators which include the companies' acknowledgement of the prospective problem of a human-induced climate change, their position with regard to the Kyoto Protocol, and self-imposed targets and measures to reduce greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions from their own operations. This chapter highlights the differences among the companies and analyses their general environmental policy.
When William Hague appeared on the platform at the 2001 Conservative Party conference, he was greeted by a wave of sympathy, which extended far beyond the audience at Blackpool. This was more than the usual reaction to a plucky underdog: it was a well-deserved testimony to the dignity which had marked William's conduct since the 2001 general election. William had decided to make reform of the party, the central plank of his leadership campaign. This was the right response to the grievances, real or imaginary, of our grass roots membership. Richard Kelly claims that the effect of the new Board was to 'nourish the party's top-down mentality', 'stifle grass-root initiatives' and so on. Kelly has criticised the eventual composition of the Party Board on the grounds that it was insufficiently democratic.