David Rieff

The political landscape in which the humanitarian movement took current form has changed radically. If humanitarian certainties have been upended, it is not in Sri Lanka, or even Syria or Afghanistan, but in the NGO response to the migration crisis in Greece and in the Mediterranean. However overstated, the claim of neutrality has always played an important role in establishing the legitimacy humanitarian action has enjoyed in Europe. But it is no longer possible, if it ever was, for relief workers to separate their ethical commitment to helping people in need from their political convictions, including about what the EU should stand for.

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Editor’s Introduction
Juliano Fiori
Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Governing Precarity through Adaptive Design
Mark Duffield

This paper provides a critical analysis of post-humanitarianism with reference to adaptive design. At a time when precarity has become a global phenomenon, the design principle has sidelined the need for, or even the possibility of, political change. Rather than working to eliminate precarity, post-humanitarianism is implicated in its reproduction and governance. Central here is a historic change in how the human condition is understood. The rational Homo economicus of modernism has been replaced by progressive neoliberalism’s cognitively challenged and necessarily ignorant Homo inscius. Solidarity with the vulnerable has given way to conditional empathy. Rather than structural outcomes to be protected against, not only are humanitarian crises now seen as unavoidable, they have become positively developmental. Post-humanitarianism no longer provides material assistance – its aim is to change the behaviour of the precariat in order to optimise its social reproduction. Together with the construction of logistical mega-corridors, this process is part of late-capitalism’s incorporation of the vast informal economies of the global South. Building on progressive neoliberalism’s antipathy towards formal structures and professional standards, through a combination of behavioural economics, cognitive manipulation and smart technology, post-humanitarianism is actively involved in the elimination of the very power to resist.

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
An Interview with Caroline Abu Sa’Da, General Director of SOS MEDITERRANEE Suisse
Juliano Fiori

In this interview, Caroline Abu Sa’Da, General Director of SOS MEDITERRANEE Suisse, discusses search-and-rescue operations in the Mediterranean Sea, in particular those conducted by her organisation. She explains that as a European citizen movement, SOS MEDITERRANEE has adopted a hybrid and politicised approach, which represents a new kind of humanitarian engagement. And she reflects on the challenges of protecting and supporting those crossing the Mediterranean.

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Olivia Umurerwa Rutazibwa

This paper questions the extent to which the (arguable) end of the liberal humanitarian order is something to be mourned. Suggesting that current laments for the decline of humanitarianism reflect a Eurocentric worldview, it calls for a fundamental revision of the assumptions informing humanitarian scholarship. Decoloniality and anti-colonialism should be taken seriously so as to not reproduce the same by a different name after the end of the liberal order.

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order
Stephen Hopgood

The modern global humanitarian system takes the form it does because it is underpinned by liberal world order. Now the viability of global liberal institutions is increasingly in doubt, a backlash against humanitarianism (and human rights) has gained momentum. I will argue that without liberal world order, global humanitarianism as we currently understand it is impossible, confronting humanitarians with an existential choice: how might they function in a world which doesn’t have liberal institutions at its core? The version of global humanitarianism with which we are familiar might not survive this transition, but maybe other forms of humanitarian action will emerge. What comes next might not meet the hopes of today’s humanitarians, however. The humanitarian alliance with liberalism is no accident, and if the world is less liberal, its version of humanitarian action is likely to be less liberal too. Nevertheless, humanitarianism will fare better than its humanist twin, human rights, in this new world.

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
An Interview with Celso Amorim, Former Brazilian Foreign Minister
Juliano Fiori

In this interview, Celso Amorim, former Brazilian foreign minister, discusses changes in global governance and their likely impact on international cooperation. He critically reflects on his experiences in positioning Brazil on the world stage and democratising human rights. And he considers whether the influence of Brazil and other Southern states is likely to continue expanding.

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
So, no change there then?
David Broughton

This chapter considers the second successive Conservative election defeat in 2001 in the light of the previous four years of the party attempting to adjust to the first landslide mauling of 1997. The raw statistics of the 2001 general election paint a stark picture of the parlous electoral state of the Conservative Party. The Conservative election campaign of 2001 was partially successful so far as it went, from an admittedly low level of expectations, but it was the one which ultimately fought on wrong issues and wrong overall agenda. The Conservative Party was bound to fight the national election with William Hague as its leader, given that he had only been at the helm for four years since succeeding John Major. Throughout his leadership of the party, Hague anxiously sought 'proof ' that his overall strategy for recovery was working in terms of interim election results and opinion poll ratings.

in The Conservatives in Crisis
Still unique or just one in the crowd?
Karen E. Smith

This chapter analyses the European Union's (EU) relations with five broad regional groupings: the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries, the Mediterranean, Asia, Latin America and Eastern Europe. To explore why the EU-ACP relationship is losing its uniqueness, the chapter examines the evolution of the Union's policies towards the five regions. The chapter then explores the extent to which the Union's policies towards the five regions have evolved, and why. It begins with the ACP countries, the oldest of the EU's regional relationships. The post-Cold War foreign policy priorities of the Union have been defined as 'regional' in the sense of the European region. Politicisation really began in earnest with respect to Central and Eastern Europe at the end of the Cold War, where the EU's main aim was the support for political and economic reforms.

in EU development cooperation
Open Access (free)
Roger Southall

This chapter discusses the different waves of democratic transition in Africa. Early approaches to democratization in Africa were largely subsumed under the closely interrelated perspectives of modernization and nationalism. The study of democratization arrived in the 1950s and 1960s as an accompaniment of decolonization and in its most systematic and coherent form that drew heavily on American political science. The fairly rapid political atrophy of the first wave of nationalist democracy in Africa was greeted in a few ways. The atrophy was greeted first as one-party regimes and then as a military rule which took hold in an increasing number of states. The early 1990s witnessed a dramatic return of multi-party democracy to Africa. Africa's second wave of democracy re-ignited enthusiasm for the study of individual elections. The concern to render constitutionalism viable had been closely linked to the debates around the complex interrelationships between democratization and development.

in Democratization through the looking-glass