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The emergence of the British Labour Party
Rhiannon Vickers

, at a time when steel production was the best single indicator of industrial power and hence of military potential.6 The USA, Germany and France were all expanding their naval capabilities. In addition, Britain had a relatively small standing army, at a time when armies were gaining in importance relative to naval power with the opportunities provided by the opening up of vast tracks of land through the development of the railway. For example, Russia expanded its standing army from 647,000 in 1890, to 1,119,000 in 1900, whereas the whole of the British empire

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1
Open Access (free)
Rhiannon Vickers

of man. This led to a concern with imperialism and of conditions in the British empire and, at times, support for nationalist movements and for national self-determination, which was often at odds with Labour’s belief in Britain’s continuing world and imperial role. Indeed, Labour’s policy on colonial affairs was usually confused and inconsistent. Within the Labour Party there have always been divisions over how these internationalist principles should be interpreted, which of these principles should be prioritised and which of these principles were achievable in

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1
Open Access (free)
Edward M. Spiers

when the first Australians served in Suakin (see chapter 6 ), far exceeded their skills and limited numbers. Private Tom Wood (2/DCLI) admitted: ‘I had no idea of the greatness of the British Empire until I came out here. It is surprising to see men here from all parts of the world, always ready to uphold the Union Jack, and to support each other in any danger.’ 42

in The Victorian soldier in Africa
Open Access (free)
Patrick Doyle

). 13 Patricia Clavin, Securing the World's Economy: The Reinvention of the League of Nations, 1920–1946 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013). 14 UN Secretary-General, Co-operatives in Social Development . 15 Akhil Gupta, Postcolonial Developments: Agriculture in the Making of Modern India (London: Duke University Press, 1998), 38. 16 Rita Rhodes, Empire and Co-operation: How the British Empire used Co-operatives in its Development Strategies, 1900–1970 (Edinburgh: John Donald, 2012

in Civilising rural Ireland
Open Access (free)
Elleke Boehmer

: Oxford University Press, 2002). 16 Edward Said, Orientalism (London: Pantheon, 1978). 17 Johannes Fabian, Time and the Other: How Anthropology Makes Its Object , foreword Matti Bunzl (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002). 18 Eric Hayot, On Literary Worlds (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012). 19 Dipesh Chakrabarty, Provincializing Europe (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000). 20 See Antoinette Burton and Isabel Hofmeyr, ‘Introduction’, in Antoinette Burton and Isabel Hofmeyr (eds), Ten Books That Shaped the British Empire

in Worlding the south
Sabine Clarke

industry was prompted by the crisis in the British Empire in the 1930s. The Great Depression had shown that too many of Britain’s colonies were dependent on a narrow range of agricultural exports, making them highly vulnerable to the fluctuations of the world market. 6 The encouragement of colonial industry was a way to solve the issues of unemployment and low living standards. In further contrast to the recommendations of the interwar period, Stanley claimed that the new policy for industrialisation would not prioritise the interests of British manufacturers. New

in Science at the end of empire
Rhiannon Vickers

provision of pooled security against aggression.’76 This was to be done through a strengthening of the League, and a small reduction in national defence expenditure. Whereas the 1924 government had agreed to military sanctions to maintain security, the 1929 government relied on the sanction of the law and disarmament. Both governments tended to see the British empire as a single unit when it came to foreign and security policy, and the colonies and the self-governing Dominions were expected to support unreservedly British initiatives at the League of Nations for

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1
Rhiannon Vickers

Hitler and Mussolini. Overall, Chamberlain was ‘Suspicious of the Soviet Union, disdainful of Roosevelt’s “verbiage”, impatient at what he felt France’s confused diplomacy of intransigence and passivity, and regarding the Vic06 10/15/03 2:11 PM Page 134 134 THE LABOUR PARTY AND THE WORLD Table 6.1—Defence expenditure totals and as a percentage of national income, 1937 State % of national income spent on defence Defence expenditure $000,000 5.7 9.1 23.5 14.5 28.2 1.5 26.4 1,263 909 4,000 870 1,130 992 5,026 British empire France Germany Italy Japan USA USSR

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1
Open Access (free)
War, Debt, and Colonial Power
Tim Di Muzio and Richard H. Robbins

the scarcity of currency through the issuance of paper money (Ferguson 1954; Bogin 1989; Mann 2003: 176; Holton 2004; Wright 2008). While some of the war debt was capitalized to weaken the British Empire by enemies from France, Spain, and the United Provinces, the overwhelming majority of debt issues from the revolutionary period were owned by domestic social forces (Davies 2002: 467). How widespread revolutionary debts were held by the end of the war is a matter of considerable dispute; and given that a series of fires in the treasury destroyed federal records, it

in Debt as Power
Imaginaries, power, connected worlds
Jeremy C.A. Smith

slowed dramatically after that with the decline in gold mining and the constriction of demand for indentured Chinese labour. Indian migration continued unabated, however. Somewhere between thirty and forty million Indians were recruited to other parts of the British Empire between 1830 and the First World War (Castles et  al., 2014:  88–​9). The decline of Indian industry in the face of favoured British imports created adverse conditions that pushed labourers overseas. Japanese labourers exported, in effect, to Hawaii, Peru and Brazil formed hybrid communities. Longer

in Debating civilisations