Still unique or just one in the crowd?

first summit with India. According to diplomats, this indicates the EU’s awareness of India’s ‘economic and political clout’ (Islam, 2000). Latin America Until the 1990s, there was very little Community involvement with Latin America. Authoritarian regimes governed in many Latin American countries, the US was the dominant external presence in the region, regional cooperation schemes were ineffective, and the Community had no security interests there (Piening, 1997: 120–1). This began to change with enlargement to Spain and Portugal, the former colonial powers, but

in EU development cooperation

Bosnian Muslims as ‘Islamic fundamentalists’, raising fears for the survival of the Serbian community in Bosnia. Croatian mythology paints the Croats as a single tribe, distinguished by their Catholicism and location as the ‘outer wall’ of Christian Europe’s defence against the early modern Ottomans. It also emphasises over a millennium of Croatian ‘statehood’, and as a result is ambivalent about the Ustashe interlude: as Franjo Tudjman put it, the Ustashe regime was simultaneously ‘a Fascist crime’ and an authentic expression of Croatian nationalist aspirations.23 The

in Limiting institutions?
‘Locals’ and ‘Moroccans’ in the Sainte-Foy-Bordeaux vineyards

latter’s alleged affiliation to Islam and their relatively recent presence; unlike those (Christians) who have been settled there for generations. The mobility of groups of individuals and their fitting into a given space reveals their processes of participation in social spaces. In the case of Moroccan workers employed in the vineyards, their social itinerary (migratory, professional, religious, etc.) will relate to the spatial and temporal dimensions of that itinerary. As we can began to perceive, ethnic identity is not a natural layer on which community life can be

in Alternative countrysides
From Afghanistan to Iraq

debate which followed illustrated the various strands of thinking apparent in German politics on the use of force. Speaking firmly against the war, the PDS saw that a military campaign in Afghanistan was not the most appropriate means of tackling international terrorism; moreover, such an undertaking could spark a new divide between the Islamic world and the West. Since the CDU and the CSU supported the deployment, criticism was instead levied directly at the coalition’s inability to govern. Aside from noting the damage inflicted on Germany’s international reputation and

in Germany and the use of force
Open Access (free)

multiculturalism as a neocolonising import from the United States to Britain. Yet, too, in terms of the clash of civilisations theory through which Naipaul currently interprets world history, it is a policy ‘fostered by Islamic groups’. In 2001 he mocks the policy as ‘multi-culti’, mobilising again, as with his denunciation of Black Power politics, a belittling discourse of redemptive desire and unreason, and

in West Indian intellectuals in Britain
Grassroots exceptionalism in humanitarian memoir

that was disappearing in the developing world as fast as old-growth forests’ (120). Such statements help the book frame its mission to a liberal audience eager to sympathise with a non-threatening Islamic ‘other’. By aiding a people who are seen to maintain a pre-modern worldview and (unlike al Qaeda) are not technologically sophisticated, donating to CAI can be embraced as a peaceful, non

in Global humanitarianism and media culture
Open Access (free)

question of school choice – to examine how parents experienced the injunction to choose. It finds that, for many, the feeling that they had no ‘choice’ increased stress and anxiety around schooling. Nonetheless, the feeling of having ‘no choice’ often included a prior disregarding of some schools that their children could reasonably be expected to gain admissions to. The chapter also explores what parents said about both private provision (including private Islamic schools) and state selective schools in the form of grammar schools. Approaches to school choice, including

in All in the mix
Critique and utopia in Benita Parry’s thought

.M. Coetzee’s texts is so acute as to suggest, at first, an active theoretical contradiction.8 Look here at her discussion of the mute Marabar Caves of A Passage to India. She locates the caves as belonging to a Jain tradition, in which ‘negation has alternative significations’; Jain belief ‘unlike Islam and Hinduism has no sentient protagonists in the book’ but through the caves Jain culture ‘has written its antique Indian philosophy of renunciation over a material space’ that is ‘already in possession of a language without syntax and expressive of abnegation’ (p. 186

in Postcolonial contraventions
Shérazade and other women in the work of Leïla Sebbar

gaze is compounded by the complication that the other is not simply the absolute negation or enemy, but can be also, and often at the same time, the object of desire. Furthermore, there are problematics deriving from the Maghrebian cultural context, which also come into play. These relate to the gaze as it specifically affects women Subversion of the gaze in Sebbar’s fiction  and popular beliefs attached to the evil eye and measures to avert it, for instance, the use of Fatima’s hand and other types of amulet.4 It also relates to the role of the visual in Islam

in Women’s writing in contemporary France
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Nandy (2001), a psychologist turned political scientist. For him the project of SOUTH ASIA 225 democratization has to be located in a deeper understanding of how modernity has impacted on traditional societies through secular states. Much of the anomie present in South Asian politics and societies, insists Nandy, is the result of renewed searches for certainty manifest in the appeal of Hindu, Islamic and Singhalese ‘fundamentalism’. These uncertainties have been compounded by globalization and economic liberalization, introducing dimensions of personal development

in Democratization through the looking-glass