and monopolistic distortions. And
as liberal hopes for a pacific and technocratic utopia have taken leave of empirical reality,
the assumption of progress has been sustained primarily through myth-making and cognitive
gymnastics. Fake news is not the antithesis of liberal truth but its progeny.
Nonetheless, the notion of liberal order is useful to the extent that it signals the role of
liberal ideas and politics in the consolidation of Western hegemony and, more specifically, the
expansion of American power. Franklin D. Roosevelt’s Four
that appears in the
media, which may describe the horrendous conditions in which the hostages are being
held and the payment of ransom to criminal and political networks ( Callimachi, 2014a , 2014b ; Kiser,
2013 ). In the end, vital information about the abductions remains the
monopoly of the political and criminal networks carrying them out, the
aid-organisation crisis units handling them, the private security firms advising
them and the intelligence services
The modern global humanitarian system takes the form it does because it is underpinned by
liberal world order, the post-1945 successor to the imperial world of the nineteenth and early
twentieth centuries and the global political and economic system the European empires created.
Humanitarian space, as we have come to know it in the late twentieth century, is liberal space,
even if many of those engaged in humanitarian action would rather not see themselves as liberals.
To the extent that there is something constitutively
Multinational corporations are not merely the problem in environmental concerns, but could also be part of the solution. The oil industry and climate change provide the clearest example of how the two are linked; what is less well known is how the industry is responding to these concerns. This book presents a detailed study of the climate strategies of ExxonMobil, Shell and Statoil. Using an analytical approach, the chapters explain variations at three decision-making levels: within the companies themselves, in the national home-bases of the companies and at an international level. The analysis generates policy-relevant knowledge about whether and how corporate resistance to a viable climate policy can be overcome. The analytical approach developed by this book is also applicable to other areas of environmental degradation where multinational corporations play a central role.
Sweden is seen as a forerunner in environmental and ecological policy. This book is about policies and strategies for ecologically rational governance, and uses the Swedish case study to ask whether or not it is possible to move from a traditional environmental policy to a broad, integrated pursuit of sustainable development, as illustrated through the ‘Sustainable Sweden’ programme. It begins by looking at the spatial dimensions of ecological governance, and goes on to consider the integration and effectiveness of sustainable development policies. The book analyses the tension between democracy and sustainable development, which has a broader relevance beyond the Swedish model, to other nation states as well as the European Union as a whole. It offers the latest word in advanced implementation of sustainable development.
I reflect on the place of If Beale Street Could Talk in the
corpus of Baldwin’s writings, and its relationship to Barry
Jenkins’s movie released at the beginning of 2019. I consider also what
the arrival of the movie can tell us about how Baldwin is located in
contemporary collective memories.
Corporations, Celebrities and the Construction of the Entrepreneurial
Annika Bergman Rosamond and Catia Gregoratti
). Conjoining recent debates
in feminist political economy and humanitarian governance in this paper we examine
how prominent humanitarian actors such as corporations and celebrity activists
construct gender-based problems and knowledge as part of entrepreneurial artisanal
projects, aiming to empower women in the global South. Corporations have a long
history of sponsoring and championing humanitarian as well as gender and development
work to enhance the value of their brands and
Frédéric Le Marcis, Luisa Enria, Sharon Abramowitz, Almudena-Mari Saez, and Sylvain Landry B. Faye
attention to the long history of the relationship between power and population.
The cases are presented chronologically in order to align with the history of the
West Africa epidemic. In the first case, Sylvain Landry B. Faye details a case from
Kolobengou, Guinea, in which Ministry of Health efforts to mobilise traditional and
political elites clashed with locally legitimate youth and local leaders over the
distribution of Ebola-relief goods. In the second case, from Liberia, Almudena Mari
( 2019 ), ‘ Gender Experts and Critical
Friends: Research in Relations of Proximity ’,
European Journal of Politics and Gender ,
2 : 1 ,
131 – 47 , doi: 10.1332/251510819X15471289106068 .
( 2019 ), ‘ Humanitarian Response and Stress
in Kenya: Gendered Problems and Their Implications
Uses and Misuses of International Humanitarian Law and Humanitarian
important issue for contemporary
humanitarian action. This article is thus an historically informed contemplation on
the political function of IHL and what we can expect from it.
The Soldier, the Legal Expert and the Rescuer
Let us begin with the first Geneva Convention, the starting point of contemporary
IHL; it was signed on 22 August 1864 1 and did not even mention the word
‘humanitarian’. In ten articles occupying two pages, its subject (as