Matthew S. Weinert

; and the taking of responsibility for self and/or others. Resistance For some, recognition of their full human status (e.g. Tutsis in an ethnically charged Rwanda, Bosniaks in Serb-dominated territory, non-white Europeans in an imperial order) or a core identity component of the self (e.g. being a woman in an androcentric world, or non-heterosexual in

in Recognition and Global Politics
A dialogue with Islam as a pattern of conflict resolution and a security approach vis-à-vis Islamism
Bassam Tibi

, Egypt, Israel, Afghanistan and, more recently, Kosovo and Macedonia, clearly demonstrate. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) forces could overpower the Serbian army with its arsenal of weapons in 1999, but in 2000 and 2001 they were unable to contain the religious–ethnic UÇK irregulars’ acts of revenge against the Christian Serbs and Macedonians. In the traditional historical (not the

in Redefining security in the Middle East
Open Access (free)
Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd

‘us and them’ divisions, and create and reinforce an impression of superiority over peoples of other nations. Regular conflicts between nations over centuries reinforce that sense of national identity. Irish nationalism was forged during the struggle against English power. English and French, Turk and Greek, Serb and Bosnian Muslim, Indian and Pakistani, all are nationalities wrought by centuries-old conflicts and wars, the

in Understanding political ideas and movements
Amikam Nachmani

poor record in preventing the slaughter of Muslims. Who is to say, Ankara contends, that what happened in Bosnia, where Orthodox Serbs massacred innocent Muslims under the impassive eyes of EU troops, will not take place in a unified Cyprus, whether it joins the EU or not. Only this time it will be a case of Orthodox Greeks killing Muslim Turks. The Cypriot Turks insist that in 1974, they, with Turkey’s assistance, acted wholly in self-defense. They point out that there is not a single Turkish family on the island who has not lost at least one

in Turkey: facing a new millennium
Christine E. Hallett

writings such as Mabel St Clair Stobart’s The Flaming Sword in Serbia and Elsewhere and ironic, pacifist treatises such as Ellen La Motte’s The Backwash of War. Yet its sensationalist style implies that one of its author’s main purposes was simply to attract a wide readership and sell copy. The women who wrote about volunteer war nursing during the First World War undoubtedly had multiple motives for doing so. A  desire to promote the feminist project of demonstrating that women, as well as men, could play significant roles in the war effort was sometimes accompanied by

in Nurse Writers of the Great War
Open Access (free)
Kjell M. Torbiörn

French change in attitude was doubtless the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In spite of repeated joint European Union and United Nations initiatives, and a four-month ceasefire in early 1995, the war in the region continued (with Croatian forces retaking from the Serbs several areas in Krajina and in western Bosnia and Herzegovina). It was only in October 1995 that a US-sponsored ceasefire could be proclaimed to give time for peace talks in Dayton, Ohio. The so-called Dayton Agreements provided for a Bosnia-Herzegovinian state consisting of two entities: the

in Destination Europe

constitutional recognition of Roma has had to be contextualised within a broader minority politics since Croatian independence. For the Serbian minority, who had been named as a constitutive nation in the Socialist Republic of Croatia before the disintegration of Yugoslavia, recognition as a national minority seemed like a downgraded status and was deemed to be ‘constitutional nationalism’ (Hayden, 1992 ). At the same time, Roma had never been recognised as a minority in any of the Yugoslav constitutions (Sardelić, 2013b ), but there was a consensus that they belonged to the

in The Fringes of Citizenship
Open Access (free)
Amikam Nachmani

, who were often discriminated against anyway, fall victim to even greater persecution. Aware of the ethnic powder keg these regions constituted, it had little stomach for the resumption of the vicious racial-religious wars, which had devastated whole communities, with Serb set against Bosnian and Albanian against Serb. If Turkey had any doubts, which it did not, that Russia meant what it said, it only had to look to Bulgaria’s brutally discriminatory policies vis-à-vis its 1.5 million strong Turkish minority and Russia’s and Armenia’s ruthless suppression of their

in Turkey: facing a new millennium
The Albanian mafia
Xavier Raufer

dangerous entities. We should note, however, that in the Croatian journal National (No. 287, May 2001) the Croatian minister of the interior, Mr Sime Lucin, estimated the fortune of one of the main Serb gangsters, Stanko Subotic Cane, at US$ 500 million. And Cane’s main line of activity is only trafficking in cigarettes, which is much less lucrative than drugs. Besides which it is known that most of the heroin transported along the Balkans route passes through the hands of Albanian mafia groups; that this traffic has taken off since summer 1999 (before then only 5–10 kg of

in Potentials of disorder
David P. Calleo

enlargement. The actual work of the Contact Group reflected a deepening of the NATO–Russia working relationship. While the success of the Contact Group’s proceedings (and more specifically Russia’s unsuccessful attempt to restrain the Bosnian Serbs) was ambivalent, it did lay the groundwork for substantial cooperation in implementing the peace agreement in Bosnia. Nevertheless, the West and Russia continued to see distinct geopolitical interests in the Balkans. For the creation of the Contact Group see David Owen, Balkan Odyssey (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1995), pp. 275

in Limiting institutions?