with the outbreak of the Second World War did not
destroy liberal support for internationalism. Liberals have been vigorous in
their support for the UnitedNations since its foundation in 1945. They are
the most enthusiastic supporters of wholehearted commitment by Britain to
the European Union and its project for European integration.
This internationalism springs from
the liberal belief in free trade and from the assumption
representative institutional politics. Debates about rights and participation in movements for democracy have led women’s groups to the recognition that it
is imperative that the gains made through participation are
institutionalized through laws, constitutions, and political
machineries and practices. Interventions of international
organizations such as the UnitedNations also helped to
emphasize the importance of working with state institutions
in order to improve the living conditions of women.
Here we find significant variations depending upon the
nature of political
Presidents Johnson and Nixon). Ironically, the rise of the Imperial
Presidency coincides with historians’ rejection of the ‘great
man’ view of historical causation; while the popular view
that Ronald Reagan was a great president suggests we should
seriously reconsider the position traditionally ascribed to
others. The regular polls of American historians on the
greatness (or otherwise) of US presidents have shown interesting changes as the liberal consensus of the 1960s gave
way to the New Right in the 1980s. Meanwhile the rise
of the UnitedNations and the emphasis on the
‘discovering and implementing politically areas
of common interest’ between publics and national units in such an
interdependent world was now, Dewey decreed, the new political
‘imperative’ of the twentieth century (LW2: 379). Dewey was himself
buoyed by developments after the Second World War. In the second
preface to The Public and Its Problems, written in 1946, Dewey cited
the formation of the UnitedNations and the opening of debate about
the nature of the organization as evidence that there was a growing
sense ‘ … that relations between nations are
suddenly ascribed ex-Yugoslavs the same status as Africans (i.e. objects of pity and mistrusted visa nationals) on to the figure of the African peacekeeper. In April 1995, negotiating a post-war UN peacekeeping mandate, the Croatian government was forced to deny reports it had insisted on no African or Asian states participating (O'Shea 2005 : 145). Bangladesh, Pakistan, India and Malaysia had been among the larger UnitedNations Protection Force (UNPROFOR) contributors in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina, and UNPROFOR's first commander (a public figure) was an Indian
Individuality, identification and multidirectional memorialisation in post-genocide Rwanda
Ibid., p. 300.
36 Guyer, ‘Rwanda’s bones’, 164.
37 Cook, ‘The politics of preservation’, p. 305.
38 Hatzfeld, Into the Quick of Life, pp. 81–2.
39 Ibid., p. 116.
40 Diop, Murambi, p. 143.
41 Cook, ‘The politics of preservation’, p. 293.
42 Diop, Murambi, p. 71.
43 In addition to Rwandan anger at the perceived inaction of the international community, there is a scholarly consensus that Rwanda’s
genocide could well have been prevented with the help of bodies
such as the UnitedNations. For a particularly convincing report, see
H. Adelman, ‘Blaming the United
Soviets that it wanted to help –
22/9/03, 12:38 pm
1989–92: Yalta farewell
before, during and after the events.
The importance of the existence of what might be called the ‘international organisation network’ was fully shown during these momentous times. The Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, the
European Union, the Council of Europe, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the OECD, the UnitedNations Economic
Commission for Europe and the several arms limitations negotiations
under way: all in their various ways
imports by domestic
22/9/03, 1:47 pm
production and on exporting raw materials and agricultural commodities
to the rich countries. This was the cardinal aim behind the UnitedNations Conference on Trade and Development formed in 1964, and
behind the much-touted proposals for a New International Economic
Order of the early 1970s. (That ambition collapsed, since the forming of
cartels among producing nations proved impossible in all but a handful
of commodities. Even OPEC rapidly lost ground after its brief heyday in
reluctance of the Iraqis to reopen the Kerkuk–Yumurtalik pipeline. In the summer of 1993 Baghdad insisted that she would prefer the Mina al-Bakr route in any future arrangement that would allow her to re-export oil. It seems that Baghdad refused to put Turkey again in the influential position of controlling its oil export. It could produce the same result as Turkey did in August 1990, following the Iraqi invasion into Kuwait, when Ankara shut down the Yumurtalik outlet in accordance with UnitedNations (UN) resolutions. 8 (On oil and the mentality of Saddam Hussein and
turned down. The UnitedNations had begun to use celebrity ‘Goodwill
Ambassadors’ to promote its international development programmes from
1954, in the hope that their profile and glamour might rub off on the
rather sombre topic of international development. The Peace Corps was
placed in the unusual and enviable position of being
pursued by actors, athletes and other celebrities who wanted to have