was benign, and based on a belief in fairness and justice. GLEN
knew that there were real and positive traditional Irish values, arising from
the struggle against colonialism and for civil, religious and economic rights,
which could be activated, and the demand for equality was attuned to
Tradition is invoked here as the driving force of radical social change,
and there is a perceived commonality between nationalism and other
forms of activism in the long historical struggle against
De-scribing Imperial identity from alien to migrant
Third World fiction after the Second World War that the fictional uses
of “nation” and “nationalism” are most pronounced.’ He goes on to say
that, following the war, English social identity underwent a transformation based on its earlier imperial encounters. Colonialism in reverse
created ‘a new sense of what it means to be “English”’ (1990: 46–7).
However, Brennan does not consider what changes have been wrought
on that society, what reinventions of tradition have manufactured new
Englands of the mind, alongside the pronouncements of newly forged
African hot spot of “toxic colonialism” (Koné 2009).2 But, what
seems less common in projects focused on Agbogbloshie are efforts to showcase
how these workers are creative postcolonial agents actively documenting and
communicating their own lived experience, pollution situation, and e-waste
vitality. In short, the chapter asks: what happens when e-waste workers are
involved image makers? What does this participatory photography do to and for
representations of Agbogbloshie? To what extent can this alternative visualization shift understandings of a place and space
1 The Times , “Marines landed at Trinidad: disorders spreading” (23 June 1937), p. 15.
2 The Times , “Another warship at Trinidad, three strikers shot” (26 June 1937), p. 13.
3 Constantine, British Colonial Development Policy ; Havinden and Meredith, Colonialism and Development ; Morgan, Official History of Colonial Development ; Butler, Industrialisation .
4 Bolland, On the March
not constitute a
significant issue: the immediate life-and-death business of waging war
and of national survival was thought to be far too urgent a matter to
allow energies to be diverted in this direction and women’s equality
it was thought would be almost automatically achieved through independence and liberation from colonialism.1 However, the FLN was
forced during the course of the war to take a position on women for
two reasons: firstly, women gradually assumed a de facto role in the
conflict, playing a major part in urban networks and the maquis as
confrontation with Western colonialism (such as ‘society’, ‘liberty’, ‘people’, ‘rights’ and ‘equality’), ‘civilisation’ was subject to inter-
cultural appropriation and reconstruction during this period.
A particularly interpretive part of the Meiji-era transformation was careful
observation of the world. Japan’s intelligentsia was well equipped with existing
learning processes, as it had for years deliberated on secularised neo-Confucian
principles of knowledge (Collins, 2000: 685–6). Universities quickly sprang up
with official support and patronage, once the German
-acknowledged heterogeneity of
Britishness through history. And one way to do this is by opening up a
comparative mutually illuminating analysis of the languages and practices of British nationalism, colonialism and imperialism. Gilroy, in
focusing solely on the interaction of languages of race and nation, forecloses such analysis.
If materialism is useful for explaining and challenging exclusivist
types of nationalism, so is the notion of utopia. Gilroy is indeed a big fan
of utopianism, but his formulations align utopianism exclusively with
outer-national cultural impulses. The
. The need to speak English was a constant reminder of the cultural imperialism of the USA and the lack of control that they could exert within the world economy. For Neapolitans, this feeling of inferiority, filtered through the memory of returnee emigrants speaking ‘americano’, was further complicated by the fact of having to try and speak English to other people who had been wounded by modernity. Other languages, introduced by people previously only known through a suppressed memory of colonialism, were partially integrated into transcultural talk where it was
‘grievous violations of the law of nature’. 31
According to Wilhelm Grewe’s reading of Grotius, his approach
is ‘nothing other than the doctrine of religious intervention expressed in
the language of natural law’. 32
The argument that saving people from maltreatment was a
justification for colonialism and imperialism is levelled mainly at Vitoria and
Grotius (see below).
Antiquity and the Middle Ages
Interestingly, Renaissance writers, notably
desire to change the
domestic and/or international order, an order that seemed to need changing
in favour of one’s own nation. It took two major forms. One form of radical
nationalism was an essentially rightist form of politics; the other was the
mainstay of anti-colonialism.
Radical-right nationalism despised the
old order, the privileged classes and out-dated institutions, all of which