Trachtenberg, ‘The French Factor in US Foreign Policy during the NixonPompidou period, 1969–74’, Journal of Cold War Studies, 13:1 (2011), 4–59.
For evidence of this as the cornerstone of US objectives see: Memorandum for the
President’s Office File from David N. Parker, 25 May 1973, President Office Files,
Memoranda for the President, Box 91, NPMP; Conversation Among President Nixon,
the President’s Assistant for National Security Affairs [Kissinger], and Secretary of
the Treasury, Shultz, 3 March 1973, FRUS: Foreign EconomicPolicy, Vol. XXXI, Doc.
17, pp. 72
were to have an impact on US–UK relations. Most obvious
were the defence cuts enacted to help reduce Britain’s public expenditure.
Besides, there was the broader concern in Washington about the economicpolicies pursued by Wilson’s government. For instance, the president complained
to the US ambassador designate for the UK, Elliot Richardson, about the Wilson
government and ordered Richardson to ‘get close’ to the unions in the UK, so
A strained partnership?
they would not follow ‘disastrous’ policies
Labour Party’s world-view and competing perspectives on foreign
policy, which will be outlined in the next chapter.
1 Andrew Gamble, Britain in Decline: EconomicPolicy, Political Strategy
and the British State (London: Macmillan, 4th edn, 1994), provides a
useful historical overview of this.
THE EMERGENCE OF THE BRITISH LABOUR PARTY
2 See Aaron Friedberg, The Weary Titan: Britain and the Experience of
Relative Decline, 1895–1905 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press,
1988), pp. 298–300.
3 Paul Kennedy
, foreign policy is in general an under-researched area
of Labour Party policy and history. While there have been many studies
of British foreign policy in the twentieth century,5 remarkably little
has been said about the development, formulation and nature of the
THE LABOUR PARTY AND THE WORLD
Labour Party’s foreign policy. Studies of the Labour Party tend to
focus on domestic policy, in particular social and economicpolicy, both
in terms of policy-making and in terms of ideology.6 This is partly
because many academics who study
does not derive from
After the new social democracy
our willingness to pay for it in a market. Therefore economic value is
a consequence of carework, but not its motivation; some carework can
and should be performed as waged activity, and should be factored
much more closely into social and economicpolicies than at present, but
most carework will always remain informal, performed for reasons of
emotional belonging. In short, carework is largely non-employment work
and a form of value captured by the term ‘emotional labour
libertarian economicpolicies. Giving up the right to state
welfare, let alone the right to employment (a non-temporary full time job
with social security and a decent salary), is reflected in the obsession for
reaffirming the ‘right to security’. The increase in the
resources devoted to maintaining public order compensates, above all
symbolically, for the lack of legitimacy resulting from governments giving
up economic regulation
provided by partner organizations to bear on economicpolicy
and the Treasury appears to be open to this source of information. According to the report Women 2000, ‘[s]ince the
election of the Labour Government in 1997 the Treasury
has actively consulted the WBG as part of the Government’s policy of mainstreaming gender issues’ (WNC,
1999:14). The WBG is recommending to the government
the establishment of a Parliamentary Committee on Equality that would, among other things, oversee government
work on gendering the Budget. It also recommends the publication by
, Varieties of Approaches (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan),
Rubery, J. (2005), ‘The shaping of work and working time in the service sector: a 233 segmentation approach’, in Bosch, G. and Lehndorff, S. (eds), Working in the Service Sector: A
Tale from Different Worlds (London: Routledge), pp. 233–56.
Rubery, J. (2015), Re-regulating for Inclusive Labour Markets, Conditions of Work and
Employment Series No. 65 (Geneva: International Labour Organization).
Salverda, W. and Mayhew, K. (2009), ‘Capitalist economies and wage inequality’, Oxford
Review of Economic
‘the post-Keynesian preoccupation with full
employment’. 24 Thus Samuelson
could include a section on ‘The Post-Keynesian Thinking of Our Times’ in an
article on economicpolicy under the Eisenhower administration. 25 Neither the ‘neoclassical synthesis’ nor
‘post-Keynesian’ referred purely to a body of economic theory.
Post-Keynesianism as heterodoxy, since 1975
In the mid 1970s a new way of using the term
emerged, made prominent in an article by two young economists, Alfred Eichner and Jan
‘Topsy Turvy’, uses, for example, the metaphor of the Antipodes to lament the protectionist economicpolicies in operation in Tasmania, stating that: ‘Tasmania in geographical position is the antipodes of Great Britain. She is also likely to become the antipodes in many other considerations.’ After listing the numerous instances of antipodal thinking and government in the colony of Tasmania, the letter concludes: ‘Thus the antipodes of geographical position – the world upside down – are politically maintained.’ 30
Depicting Australia as a site of economic and