Law is typically grounded in national policy outcomes, with international law an extension of national norms and processes, notably in the doctrine of extraterritorial application of national laws. Enforcement and policing are typically carried out in cooperation between national jurisdictions, and the most significant international law relating to the Internet remains the 2001 Council of Europe
are collectively framed by both state institutions and the media as a threat, eih ch-4.P65 77 26/3/03, 15:10 78 Loyal within a discourse of illegal immigration. In fact, the term ‘illegal asylum seeker’, as used by the media and increasingly by politicians, is a non sequitur, since all individuals, under international law, are legally entitled to apply for asylum. The second, ‘manifestly unfounded’ procedure referred to above was introduced by the Irish government in order to speed up the asylum processing system and to make it more efficient, given the
been based exclusively on the election programmes of the five parties, for example, the picture of the core ‘ideology’ of the different parties would certainly have appeared different, first and foremost because the ideological arguments behind policies are at best often vague, and at worst absent. In addition, similar policy demands can be based on different arguments (in different countries). For example, the call for unification by the German parties is based on legal arguments such as upholding the German constitution and international law, while the same call by
Germany as in other donor countries, it is also tempting to cut back projects that may be in fact quite promising over time. Problems between the Länder and the federal government can arise for a variety of reasons. The Länder may make promises, real or perceived, that they do not keep because of the nature of the agreement with the target country. Of course, if there is a legal commitment under international law, the federal government feels bound to abide by the agreement. This raises the question of the extent to which the federal government should coordinate Land
. Figure 7.4 Georg Braun et al., Civitates Orbis Terrarvm , Cologne, 1612–18. Washington, DC, Library of Congress. www.loc.gov/item/2008627031/ (accessed February 16, 2022). The second, legal sense of the enclave developed in this region as well. It was here that Hugo Grotius, a Dutch jurist, conceived of the related notion in international law. 7 Extraterritoriality designates a legal right to
Förarbeten till Sveriges Rikes Lag 1666–1686 , pp. 114f. 37 Moses Maimonides (1135–1204) was a well-known Jewish philosopher whose writings were still considered important in the seventeenth century. Hugo Grotius (1583–1645) was a Dutch scholar, theologian, and lawyer. He was known for his views regarding jurisprudence and natural law and has been referred to as ‘the father of international law
of a regime. 1 This presents the international community with a paradox. Bruce Cronin highlighted the difficulties of humanitarian intervention when he wrote: On one hand, international law and diplomatic practice are clearly biased in favor of state autonomy in matters that are considered to be domestic … On the other hand
blocs, power politics and precepts of international law’ were now as ‘outworn and impotent as the old-time muzzle-loading gun’ in dealing with the transnational reality of the Great Society. Dewey argued that a world with such interdependence, lacking the means to deal with the effects of such interdependence short of forms of warfare, was essentially a form of ‘anarchy’. It was now the ‘tragedy of our time’ that every person on the planet belonged to a ‘world unit’ which did not possess a common rule of law and a machinery of government at the international level to
were granted special concessions, including special dispensions with regard to their contributions to the federal budget. Bashkortostan was also granted the additional right to create its own independent legal system.25 Two republics, Tatarstan and Chechnya, refused to sign the treaty. Tatarstan later ratified its own republican constitution in November 1992 which (in article 61) affirmed that the republic was, ‘a sovereign state and a subject of international law, associated with the Russian Federation’. Only Chechnya went so far as to declare its outright
‘illegal residents’.127 In this case, they are not covered by international law as Kuwait is neither a signatory to the 1954 Convention Relating to the Status of Stateless Persons, nor the 1961 Convention on the Prevention of Statelessness. From this, it appears that the bidoon exist as a prime example of hominus sacri, existing in bare life, without recourse to political and legal structures yet bound by the very structures that abandon them. An Amnesty International report in 2016 estimated that one hundred and twenty thousand people are bidoon in Kuwait.128 In