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New Labour and public sector reform

understood as behaviour regulated by a professional code of conduct which specified the proper ends of the profession and committed its members to deliver services according to needs in an impartial and equitable manner (Perkin 1989: xiii, 17). Married, in publicly owned and run institutions, with a strong spirit of public service, this code came to be dubbed ‘the public service ethos’, a concept which deeply permeated Labour thinking ‘about the motivation, character and moral importance of the public sector within the political community’ (Plant 2003: 561). Broadly

in In search of social democracy
French denaturalisation law on the brink of World War II

he explicitly refers to France as being his country, even describing its successes and errors as his own), his sense of duty towards France makes it unambiguously clear that the General never ceased to consider himself as a member of the French political community. Accordingly, the national community invoked in the bill is bounded by the governmental, formal reading of the nation

in Security/ Mobility

feeling peculiar to a citizen of the world’, but rather ‘a protest against citizenship, a protest against membership of a political configuration as such’. The bond is not one between fellow members of a political community, national or international, but rather ‘a form of political solidarity opposed to the political qua a politics tied to the nation-state’.53 The suggestion, then, is that the grounds for human solidarity should not be based on some shared, basic, common humanity. Such an approach depersonalises and depoliticises, and operates in symbiosis with the

in Change and the politics of certainty

states were sometimes recruited and supported by revisionist states, chiefly Nasser’s Egypt; but this was a struggle over the balance of political opinion, not a contest of military forces, and arguably, such conduct was borderline between what would be expected in a states system and what would be acceptable in a political community. Walt rightly argues that, even at the height of Pan-Arabism, balancing against the Egyptian hegemon was pervasive within the Arab world, at the expense of co-operation for common interests. This was practised not

in The international politics of the Middle East

of European states based on certain fundamental preconditions. On another, the effectuation of the standard, both by insiders and outsiders, substantiated the notion of an operative international will and enforced certain beliefs of what constituted a legitimate political community. Other conditions have appeared on the historical horizon. The monarchical principle of the

in Recognition and Global Politics
Hannah Arendt’s Jewish writings

Wilson, President of the United States, and Lenin, leader of the Bolshevik Revolution, were opposed in almost every other respect, but converged over the existence of this right. 48 Arendt did not disagree but she drew attention to the reshaping of the political landscape on which this right was premised. While in its republican form the state had defined the nation in terms of common citizenship in a bounded political community, post-imperial nationalist movements

in Antisemitism and the left
Open Access (free)

equally well educated but the financial rewards for each are significantly different. Equal voting and participation rights ‘Democratic equality’ means that all have a fundamental right to participate in political institutions. Rousseau agreed with Aristotle that political communities should be as small as possible, allowing all citizens equal participation in decision-making. In the

in Understanding political ideas and movements
Aspirations to non-racism

(Declan); limiting access to NHS care and social security benefits to those from overseas (Matt); and cutting overseas aid budgets and withdrawing from commitments to military and humanitarian interventions abroad (Euan, Declan). Notwithstanding this, the patriotism of EDL respondents differs from Soutphommasane’s (2012: 19) model of a liberal nationalist approach to citizenship and community where ‘patriotism refers to the identification with one’s political community, and a special concern for its welfare and the welfare of one’s fellow citizens’. This is, first

in Loud and proud
The Rotuli de Dominabus et Pueris et Puellis de XII Comitatibus of 1185

English Society and Politics, 1217–1327 (Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press, 1988), p. 119. 8 T. Keefe, Feudal Assessments and the Political Community under Henry II and his Sons (Berkeley CA: University of California Press, 1983), p. 118. Milsom argued that Henry II merely tried to make feudal society work according to its own rules: Milsom, ‘Inheritance by women’; see, for example, the discussion of women inheriting, pp. 64–9. 9 Gillingham, Angevin Empire, pp. 55–9. 10 Warren, Governance of Norman and Angevin England, chapter 6, esp. pp. 165–6. 11 Holt, ‘Heiress

in Noblewomen, aristocracy and power in the twelfth-century Anglo-Norman realm

and religion – and to distance themselves from the threatening, racialised Muslim Other being ‘cast out’ (Razack 2008 ) from political communities across the West. Halilovich's book appeared a year before St Louis became a focus of African-American struggle – the site of Black Lives Matter's first street protest – in August 2014 when police in nearby Ferguson shot dead the black teenager Mike Brown. Racialised violence in St Louis affected Bosnians directly that November, when four African-American and Latino teenagers killed a Bosniak, Zemir Begić. Bosniaks

in Race and the Yugoslav region