understood as behaviour
regulated by a professional code of conduct which specified the proper ends
of the profession and committed its members to deliver services according
to needs in an impartial and equitable manner (Perkin 1989: xiii, 17).
Married, in publicly owned and run institutions, with a strong spirit of
public service, this code came to be dubbed ‘the public service ethos’, a
concept which deeply permeated Labour thinking ‘about the motivation,
character and moral importance of the public sector within the politicalcommunity’ (Plant 2003: 561). Broadly
French denaturalisation law on the brink of World War II
explicitly refers to France as being his country, even describing
its successes and errors as his own), his sense of duty towards France
makes it unambiguously clear that the General never ceased to consider
himself as a member of the French politicalcommunity.
Accordingly, the national community invoked in the bill
is bounded by the governmental, formal reading of the nation
feeling peculiar to a citizen of the world’,
but rather ‘a protest against citizenship, a protest against membership
of a political configuration as such’. The bond is not one between
fellow members of a politicalcommunity, national or international,
but rather ‘a form of political solidarity opposed to the political qua a
politics tied to the nation-state’.53
The suggestion, then, is that the grounds for human solidarity
should not be based on some shared, basic, common humanity. Such
an approach depersonalises and depoliticises, and operates in symbiosis with the
states were sometimes recruited and supported by revisionist states, chiefly Nasser’s Egypt; but this was a struggle over the balance of political opinion, not a contest of military forces, and arguably, such conduct was borderline between what would be expected in a states system and what would be acceptable in a politicalcommunity.
Walt rightly argues that, even at the height of Pan-Arabism, balancing against the Egyptian hegemon was pervasive within the Arab world, at the expense of co-operation for common interests. This was practised not
of European states based on
certain fundamental preconditions. On another, the effectuation of
the standard, both by insiders and outsiders, substantiated the
notion of an operative international will and enforced certain
beliefs of what constituted a legitimate politicalcommunity.
Other conditions have appeared on the historical
horizon. The monarchical principle of the
Wilson, President of the United States, and Lenin,
leader of the Bolshevik Revolution, were opposed in almost every other respect,
but converged over the existence of this right. 48 Arendt did not disagree but she drew attention to the
reshaping of the political landscape on which this right was premised. While in
its republican form the state had defined the nation in terms of common
citizenship in a bounded politicalcommunity, post-imperial nationalist movements
well educated but the financial rewards for each are significantly
Equal voting and participation rights
means that all have a fundamental right to participate in political
institutions. Rousseau agreed with Aristotle that politicalcommunities
should be as small as possible, allowing all citizens equal participation in
decision-making. In the
(Declan); limiting access to NHS care and social security benefits
to those from overseas (Matt); and cutting overseas aid budgets and withdrawing
from commitments to military and humanitarian interventions abroad (Euan,
Notwithstanding this, the patriotism of EDL respondents differs from
Soutphommasane’s (2012: 19) model of a liberal nationalist approach to citizenship and community where ‘patriotism refers to the identification with one’s
politicalcommunity, and a special concern for its welfare and the welfare of one’s
fellow citizens’. This is, first
The Rotuli de Dominabus et Pueris et Puellis de XII Comitatibus of 1185
Susan M. Johns
Society and Politics, 1217–1327 (Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press, 1988), p. 119.
8 T. Keefe, Feudal Assessments and the PoliticalCommunity under Henry II and his Sons
(Berkeley CA: University of California Press, 1983), p. 118. Milsom argued that Henry II
merely tried to make feudal society work according to its own rules: Milsom, ‘Inheritance by women’; see, for example, the discussion of women inheriting, pp. 64–9.
9 Gillingham, Angevin Empire, pp. 55–9.
10 Warren, Governance of Norman and Angevin England, chapter 6, esp. pp. 165–6.
11 Holt, ‘Heiress
and religion – and to distance themselves from the threatening, racialised Muslim Other being ‘cast out’ (Razack 2008 ) from politicalcommunities across the West. Halilovich's book appeared a year before St Louis became a focus of African-American struggle – the site of Black Lives Matter's first street protest – in August 2014 when police in nearby Ferguson shot dead the black teenager Mike Brown. Racialised violence in St Louis affected Bosnians directly that November, when four African-American and Latino teenagers killed a Bosniak, Zemir Begić. Bosniaks