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Ben Dew

widely accepted that the nation’s difficulties were, in part, financial and commercial in character. 5. Whig history and political economy: Roger Coke’s A Detection of the Court and State of England To conclude this chapter, I would like to look at a final account, which in part moves away from the approaches discussed above: Roger Coke’s A Detection of the Court and State of England (1694).76 After a successful career as a writer on commerce and trade, and a rather less successful career as a businessman, Coke turned to historical writing in the final years of his

in Commerce, finance and statecraft
Open Access (free)
Edmund Howes’s Annales
Ben Dew

concerned. The historians do not engage with or quote from the political economists and vice versa; indeed, although it was written in the 1620s, Mun’s key work, England’s Treasure by Forraign Trade, was not published until 1664. There are, however, some important points of congruence between the approaches of works of political economy and works of history. The two discourses dealt with the same cluster of commercial and financial issues, foremost among them the role of monopolies, free trade, reforms to coinage, the dangers of luxury, the relationship between war and

in Commerce, finance and statecraft
Inclusive urban energy transformations in spaces of urban inequality
Federico Caprotti, Jon Phillips, Saska Petrova, Stefan Bouzarovski, Stephen Essex, Jiska de Groot, Lucy Baker, Yachika Reddy, and Peta Wolpe

Phillips , J. ( 2019 ). ‘ Tensions in the transition: The politics of electricity distribution in South Africa ’. Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space , 37 ( 1 ): 177–96 . Baker , L. , Burton , J. , Godinho , C. and Trollip , H. ( 2015 ). The political economy of decarbonisation: Exploring

in African cities and collaborative futures
Open Access (free)
Welfare reform and the ‘Third Way’ politics of New Labour and the New Democrats
Stephen Driver

labour market. Between 1987 (the start of Labour’s policy review) and the mid-1990s, the European – and European social democratic – influence on Labour thinking was obvious. Modernisers inside and outside the party were working with a model of political economy distinct from the neo-liberal–Anglo-American one. But sometime in the mid-1990s the tide

in The Third Way and beyond
Open Access (free)
Tim Di Muzio and Richard H. Robbins

should recognize that debt levels and access to credit are radically unequal within and between countries, the commonality of all modern political economies is not so much that they are market oriented but that they are all debt-based political economies. Indeed, as Rowbotham noted, “the world can be considered a single debtbased economy” (1998: 159). To take an international perspective, according to the global management consulting firm McKinsey and Co., as of the second quarter of 2014 the total outstanding debt across 183 countries was $199 trillion.8 In 1990, the

in Debt as Power
John Narayan

and, more importantly, national democracy would have to be key focal points of any global democracy. As Dewey’s views on the nature of international political economy and political experiments such as the League of Nations highlight, it would simply be impossible to reform the global economy without changing the policies of powerful nation states. The lesson Dewey therefore provides here for twenty-first century observers is that global democracy, which depends on forms of transnational communication and collaboration, equally cannot function on the reification of

in John Dewey
Antonia Lucia Dawes

the men working there, resulted in a further reinforcement of her status within the political economy of sexual hierarchies in Napoli, where black women were stereotyped as sex workers. The men’s language was both comic and violent, referring grotesquely to intercourse and prostitution in order to fix Comfort’s body around exclusionary markers of race, gender and sexuality. In Napoli, language practices of inclusion and exclusion were constructed through a hierarchical linguistic dexterity with both Italian and Neapolitan, as well as locally understood meanings

in Race talk
Atul Bhardwaj

that are more benevolent than retaining naval bases and maritime control. Their strategy has been aimed at ensuring that Washington uses its core competences to contain power shifts in the global political economy, which broadly speaking sees the centre of economic gravity shifting from West to East. However, this strategy is heavily skewed in favour of the maritime domain. Beyond actual war-fighting, Washington has few big ideas in its policy toolkit and, particularly since the election of Donald Trump as president in 2017, even fewer which find widespread

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
Paul G. Lewis

about the conceptual and methodological weaknesses, and directs attention in particular to problems of concepts, case selection and causality. CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE 155 Kubicek’s (2000) overview suggests that post-communist studies have so far contributed rather little to the field of comparative politics, and perhaps – with the exception of studies in political economy – may not generally be expected to do so in the future. The importance of social context for processes of ‘transitology’ (as democratization is termed here) is such that comparative study within

in Democratization through the looking-glass
Chinese puzzles and global challenges
R. Bin Wong

Transformed: Historical Change and the Limits of European Experience, Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press Wong, R. Bin (1999). ‘The political economy of agrarian China and its modern legacy’, in Timothy Brook and Gregory Blue (eds) China and Capitalism: Geneologies of Sinological Knowledge, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 210–45 Wong, R. Bin (2004). ‘Relationships between the political economies of maritime and agrarian China, 1750-1850’, in Wang Gungwu and Ng Chin-Keong (eds) Maritime China in Transition, 1750–1850, Wiesbadan: Harrassowitz Verlag, pp. 19

in History, historians and development policy