widely accepted that the nation’s
difficulties were, in part, financial and commercial in character.
5. Whig history and politicaleconomy: Roger Coke’s A Detection
of the Court and State of England
To conclude this chapter, I would like to look at a final account, which
in part moves away from the approaches discussed above: Roger
Coke’s A Detection of the Court and State of England (1694).76 After a
successful career as a writer on commerce and trade, and a rather less
successful career as a businessman, Coke turned to historical writing
in the final years of his
historians do not engage with or quote from the political economists
and vice versa; indeed, although it was written in the 1620s, Mun’s
key work, England’s Treasure by Forraign Trade, was not published
until 1664. There are, however, some important points of congruence
between the approaches of works of politicaleconomy and works of
history. The two discourses dealt with the same cluster of commercial
and financial issues, foremost among them the role of monopolies,
free trade, reforms to coinage, the dangers of luxury, the relationship
between war and
Inclusive urban energy transformations in spaces of urban
Federico Caprotti, Jon Phillips, Saska Petrova, Stefan Bouzarovski, Stephen Essex, Jiska de Groot, Lucy Baker, Yachika Reddy, and Peta Wolpe
Phillips , J.
( 2019 ). ‘ Tensions in the transition: The politics of electricity distribution in South Africa ’. Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space , 37 ( 1 ): 177–96 .
Baker , L.
Burton , J.
Godinho , C.
Trollip , H.
( 2015 ). The politicaleconomy of decarbonisation: Exploring
Welfare reform and the ‘Third Way’ politics of New Labour and the New Democrats
Between 1987 (the start of Labour’s policy
review) and the mid-1990s, the European – and European social
democratic – influence on Labour thinking was obvious.
Modernisers inside and outside the party were working with a model
of politicaleconomy distinct from the
neo-liberal–Anglo-American one. But sometime in the mid-1990s
should recognize that debt levels and access to credit are
radically unequal within and between countries, the commonality of
all modern politicaleconomies is not so much that they are market
oriented but that they are all debt-based politicaleconomies. Indeed,
as Rowbotham noted, “the world can be considered a single debtbased economy” (1998: 159). To take an international perspective,
according to the global management consulting firm McKinsey and
Co., as of the second quarter of 2014 the total outstanding debt across
183 countries was $199 trillion.8 In 1990, the
more importantly, national democracy would have to be key focal
points of any global democracy. As Dewey’s views on the nature of
international politicaleconomy and political experiments such as the
League of Nations highlight, it would simply be impossible to reform
the global economy without changing the policies of powerful nation
states. The lesson Dewey therefore provides here for twenty-first
century observers is that global democracy, which depends on forms
of transnational communication and collaboration, equally cannot
function on the reification of
the men working there, resulted in a further reinforcement of her status within the politicaleconomy of sexual hierarchies in Napoli, where black women were stereotyped as sex workers. The men’s language was both comic and violent, referring grotesquely to intercourse and prostitution in order to fix Comfort’s body around exclusionary markers of race, gender and sexuality. In Napoli, language practices of inclusion and exclusion were constructed through a hierarchical linguistic dexterity with both Italian and Neapolitan, as well as locally understood meanings
that are more benevolent than retaining naval bases and maritime control. Their strategy has been aimed at ensuring that Washington uses its core competences to contain power shifts in the global politicaleconomy, which broadly speaking sees the centre of economic gravity shifting from West to East. However, this strategy is heavily skewed in favour of the maritime domain. Beyond actual war-fighting, Washington has few big ideas in its policy toolkit and, particularly since the election of Donald Trump as president in 2017, even fewer which find widespread
about the conceptual and
methodological weaknesses, and directs attention in particular to problems of concepts, case selection and causality.
CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE 155
Kubicek’s (2000) overview suggests that post-communist
studies have so far contributed rather little to the field of
comparative politics, and perhaps – with the exception of
studies in politicaleconomy – may not generally be expected
to do so in the future. The importance of social context for
processes of ‘transitology’ (as democratization is termed here)
is such that comparative study within
Transformed: Historical Change and the Limits of European Experience,
Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press
Wong, R. Bin (1999). ‘The politicaleconomy of agrarian China and its modern legacy’, in
Timothy Brook and Gregory Blue (eds) China and Capitalism: Geneologies of Sinological
Knowledge, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 210–45
Wong, R. Bin (2004). ‘Relationships between the politicaleconomies of maritime and
agrarian China, 1750-1850’, in Wang Gungwu and Ng Chin-Keong (eds) Maritime
China in Transition, 1750–1850, Wiesbadan: Harrassowitz Verlag, pp. 19