8 Lessons to be learned from the EU policy towards Mercosur Introduction Russia and China, as well as partners in Latin-America, deserve a clear European strategy. Africa has, unfortunately, been absent from the EU’s strategic agenda for years and needs to be reengaged … The Union can be a global actor considering we possess the objectives, principles and instruments. Unfortunately the political will is often lacking and the question is whether the EU Member States will take action to change this. (Moratinos 2010) The views of Miguel Angel Moratinos, Spanish

in The European Union's policy towards Mercosur:
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Art as the ‘organ of philosophy’

awareness of our own unconditioned mental action in ‘intellectual intuition’, or whether the idea of grasping the absolute I is merely regulative, generated by the need of practical reason to go Art as the ‘organ of philosophy’ 103 beyond the world of the understanding. Fichte also tends to regard nature merely as an undeveloped aspect of the highest principle, while at the same time suggesting that what drives the highest principle is itself not available to discursive philosophy. He consequently suggests that the conscious I has an unconscious basis, and it is this

in Aesthetics and subjectivity
Journalism practice, risk and humanitarian communication

‘spectacle society’; this to the point that victims of suffering become themselves objects of entertainment. 7 To put it bluntly, these charity actions give ‘black’ children in Africa their fifteen minutes of fame while reassuring once again the quasi-messianic role of the ‘white man’s burden’ in the international system by means of international aid. 8 What is needed instead, as we argue here, is a type of

in Global humanitarianism and media culture

, Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in Washington, ‘a telegram signed by 90 Labour MPs, covering … a wide consensus right across the Party, including some who had previously supported our action’. Wilson told the President that two days later he ‘addressed a full meeting of our Parliamentary Party when I repeated my full support of the Foreign Secretary’s statement and took full responsibility for

in A ‘special relationship’?
Charity and the economy of makeshifts in eighteenth-century Britain

action, which they regarded as behaviour that had to be contained. Arguably, the governors’ new rule was not simply a gesture of appeasement but also an attempt to restrict mobility, as the school struggled in other contexts and ways to contain parental, and in some cases pupils’, assertions of control over animate and inanimate things – teachers, pupils, clothing, apprenticeships and the children’s time. In this chapter I want to elaborate on the idea of an economy of makeshifts through examining the charitable context in which the poor Welsh parents, and hundreds of

in The poor in England 1700–1850

use of force beyond its borders, especially in the absence of a UN mandate, deployed forces to participate in this operation. Federal Chancellor Gerhard Schröder insisted that there was no alternative. 1 Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer asserted that only the last resort of violence was open. 2 NATO’s actions were, in other words, made inescapable by reality. This reality was, in NATO’s portrayal of

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
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Baconian rhetoric and the New Atlantis

than history, because poets are free from the constraints of realism and fact: The use of this Feigned History hath been to give some shadow of satisfaction to the mind of man in those points wherein the nature of things doth deny it … Therefore, because the acts or events of true history have not that magnitude which satisfieth the mind of man, poesy feigneth acts and events greater and more heroical; because true history propoundeth the successes and issues of actions not so agreeable to the merits of virtue and vice, therefore Price_03_Ch3 50 14/10/02, 9:21 am

in Francis Bacon’s New Atlantis

engaging across borders in the Arctic –​and how they tie in with (or undermine) existing relations of power. Whether the Arctic is framed as a resource frontier or an indigenous homeland has consequences for the kinds of politics that can be pursued (and who can pursue them and to whose benefit). So, how do actors go about deploying regional frames in practice? The chapter illustrates how ‘framing’ is about laying the ground for policy actions. In other words, a robust policy frame will address what the problem is and its causes, who can do something and who should do

in Arctic governance
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‘judicial’ power, in contrast to that of a ‘legislative’ or ‘administrative’ power. At the sub-constitutional level, there are various privileges associated with judicial 19 Joseph Jaconelli functions. Those charged with their exercise might be exempted from civil liability for actions taken in the course of performing them. Or those who report the proceedings of a judicial body – typically the media – may enjoy immunities from forms of liability (e.g. defamation, contempt of court) that would otherwise attach to their publications. Sometimes, by contrast, there are more

in Judicial tribunals in England and Europe, 1200–1700
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– easy contrasts being between narrative cinema and the fragmentary action and spectacular intensity of music videos or the idiosyncratic variability of interactive web experiences. In technological, textual and structural terms, these different media compete for preeminence, for literal and symbolic capital, in an increasingly global context. This chapter focuses on the agonistic dimension of

in Memory and popular film