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. As international environmental co-operation developed and broadened during the 1970s and 1980s, the industrial countries at least to some extent recognised their responsibility as the largest contributors to global environmental degradation by accepting stricter commitments than they expected developing countries to take on. However, where the Eastern Bloc countries are concerned, there was a marked tendency for them to take on only commitments that would require little or no behavioural adjustments. Today, all these countries are going through some sort of

in Implementing international environmental agreements in Russia

experiences, their ‘history’, will be reflected in the issues and subjects that are selected for documentation and theorisation. In an era that is persistently labelled ‘global’ it is particularly significant that we reflect on the experiences and perceptions that we bring to inquiry. It becomes possible to account for globalisation as one particular representation of global social change, and one that can be interpreted and expressed in numerous and contingent ways. Finally, attention to the historicity of knowledge reveals the interpretative nature of all inquiry. History

in Globalisation contested
Legality and legitimacy

century since the Second World War means that the possibilities of Second World War related prosecutions are fast diminishing. In 1999 Anthony Sawoniuk was the subject of the first 108 War crimes trials before international tribunals prosecution in the UK under the War Crimes Act 1991, which provided jurisdiction in relation to war crimes committed by non-British nationals in German-controlled territory during the Second World War.15 Like all ‘trials’, international war crimes trials serve a variety of purposes.16 These include deterrence, punishment, reconciliation

in Domestic and international trials, 1700–2000
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help your country just as much in an overall as you can in uniform these days.’ One of the most striking features of surviving Second World War ephemera is the large proportion of it that relates to a propaganda campaign of one sort or another. There is no doubt that the civilian population of that time was subjected to a veritable barrage of official and semi-official exhortation, injunction, instruction and advice throughout the period of the war. The question remains of whether civilian morale was sustained or improved by all this endeavour. Did it succeed in

in Half the battle
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desperation.11 The early twentieth-century assessments of the old poor law and charity are unsurprising in that they reflect strongly the priorities and preoccupations of the decades in which they were written. In the 1920s, when the Webbs and Marshall were published, there was a tendency to view past experiments as faulty forerunners of the then modern, liberal welfare policies. By the 1950s and 1960s, the ‘welfare state’ had been established and the state’s legitimate role aimed at nothing less than comprehensive provision for all legitimate needs, making the role and

in The poor in England 1700–1850

empires. This understanding of recognition makes clear the link between free political deliberation amongst citizens and a coercive economic mode of production. The political, the sphere of freedom (citizenship, deliberation, plurality) is bound to the economic, the sphere of unfreedom (slavery, domination). What mediates the two is force, coercion, which at times is open violence

in Recognition and Global Politics
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The bodyand counter-revolutionary warfare inapartheid South Africa

respect to its black subjects, then the legislative right to kill in certain circumstances would seem to represent its ultimate sanction. Yet increasingly during the 1980s, funerals in particular were transformed into occasions of defiance, often resulting in further shootings and deaths at the hands of the police. Townships, both in urban centres and rural towns, designed spatially as locations of control, had become instead centres of concentrated insurgency, in which the body was central to mobilization. Images of coffins draped in flags, and surrounded by young

in Destruction and human remains
Order and security in post-Cold War Europe

state facilitate this tightening of the global/local relationship for countries occupying different positions in the global system’.9 In this context, Held argues that relations of economic, political and cultural interdependencies across the globe – and more so in Europe – are undermining the sovereignty and autonomy of states in all aspects of their security (and elsewhere).10 Closely linked with this process is the emergence of new states in Europe, and hence the need to trace the components of the new European system. At the same time, revision of the economic and

in Theory and reform in the European Union
Attitudes towards subversive movements and violent organisations

multifaceted. Behind the scenes of the Altalena affair, there was the attempt by the month-old State to quickly raise an army to contend with the overall state of war that existed at the time. In order to organise such an army, it was necessary to combine all the clandestine elements that were in operation prior to the State’s establishment into one common national framework. 9 However, to hastily unite several factions, often divided by vast ideological chasms and a history of bitter confrontation, in a common framework was no mean feat. Furthermore, the various elements

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence

anger at American behaviour. The colonial trade boycott he brushed aside as ineffective, for any apparent concession under coercion would be unpopular with MPs. North then proposed repeal of all but the tea duty. Thomas Pownall moved to add that also, since it gave smugglers an advantage. These rival contentions, of course, concealed the underlying argument as to how much conciliation should be extended to America. The ensuing debate was confused. Some MPs were so undecided as to abstain from voting. The followers of Rockingham and Chatham were for complete repeal, as

in George III