before; but in two large areas of the continent, things developed in a different direction.6 In France the autonomy of the universities was completely circumscribed, and they were subordinated to the power of the political regime. Collèges and traditional faculties were replaced by a series of professional and special schools. Nevertheless, some older institutions, such as Collège de France, survived both the Revolution and Napoleon; and it was vid tyska universitet 1750–1810’, Lychnos, 2014; Chad Wellmon, Organizing Enlightenment: Information Overload and the

in Humboldt and the modern German university

periods, or attended school in France. Pattinson, Behind Enemy Lines, 32–7. 12 Pattinson, Behind Enemy Lines, 139. 13 Pattinson, Behind Enemy Lines, see particularly Chapter 6: ‘“The best disguise”: Performing femininities’. 14 Michael Traynor, Maggie Boland and Niels Buus, ‘Autonomy, evidence and intuition: Nurses and decision‐making‘, Journal of Advanced Nursing 66, 7 (2010): 1584–91. 15 C.M.S. Baker, ‘Aftermath of war, September 1945’, IWM Documents 6341, 14. ‘HOME’ in upper case in the original. 16 Morgan, ‘Still with the lamp’, letter 9 (November 1941

in Negotiating nursing
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environment in which the needs of the soldier as part of the machine of war were paramount, nursing sisters developed their use of self as part of the corporeal armoury of their work. Second, they developed a confidence in their use of humour to encourage recovery and to alleviate pain and promote well-­being. Third, they used their newly formed, more collaborative relationships with medical staff to create greater autonomy of practice. The use of self as an ideological tool of European femaleness and a way of encouraging continuation with fighting is more complex and

in Negotiating nursing

an evaluation centre for schools. Both the Maudsley Hospital and the Tavistock Clinic then began to achieve a higher level of autonomy in the research they conducted and the cases they received. In 1946, John Bowlby was appointed to head the Child Department of the Tavistock, the same year that the institution came under the auspices of the NHS and expanded its training and

in The metamorphosis of autism

to provide for the safety and proper discipline of the persons employed in or about’ their mines.117 Managers and owners exploited legislators’ injunction to ensure the ‘proper discipline’ of workers to its fullest. From the mid-1850s onwards, special rules were increasingly used at collieries to curtail the autonomy of mineworkers, much to their annoyance. To ensure compliance, moreover, supervision of the workforce increased.118 Such developments, while pertaining to the safety of all mineworkers, helped to reduce ‘somatic flexibility’ in mining and may have made

in Disability in the Industrial Revolution
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Literary satire and Oskar Panizza’s Psichopatia criminalis (1898)

succeeded, not only would this have been a considerable affirmation for the autonomy of the arts and of literature, but also he would have symbolically repealed the much older sentence against his father, whose decision to allow his children to be raised in the Protestant faith was revoked by the court. In his own court case, Panizza insisted on defending himself, and called as an expert witness the founder of the modernist Munich journal Die Gesell­ schaft (Society), Michael Georg Conrad, to which Panizza contributed regularly.66 For his defence Panizza prepared a

in A history of the case study
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examples of cruelty, mismanagement, undue thrift or inappropriate largesse were taken as indications that the system was faulty in design and negligently executed. The Webbs undertook a painstaking progress through 400 years of welfare history spread over two volumes and found much to criticise at every point. They concluded that legislation was merely cited to bolster local autonomy in matters of relief, leading to severity of attitude and no continuity of treatment towards the poor, while an absence of legal amendment was castigated as neglect. Marshall in contrast

in The poor in England 1700–1850

. See Maitland and Baildon, The Court Baron, p. 99. 58 Such as Altrincham, Cheshire, which developed from the manor of Dunham Massey. 59 Jewell (ed.), Court Rolls, pp. 155–7. 60 See A. Musson, Medieval Law in Context. The Growth of Legal Consciousness from Magna Carta to the Peasants’ Revolt (Manchester and New York, 2001), pp. 85– 120, 217–27. 100 Trials in manorial courts 61 Jewell (ed.), Court Rolls, pp. 3–4. 62 C. Dyer, Lords and Peasants in a Changing Society: The Estates of the Bishopric of Winchester (Cambridge, 1980), p. 268. 63 See e.g. McIntosh, Autonomy

in Judicial tribunals in England and Europe, 1200–1700
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there are any conclusions to be drawn from a comparison of the role of Clemencia with those of the earlier countesses, it would seem that the countess, as wife, is less visible in charter evidence. Clemencia, as wife, appears in charters giving her consent, and may have received religious benefits, but she played no role in witnessing her husband’s charters, unlike the earlier twelfth-century countesses. It was as a widow that she granted her own charters, again reflecting the greater autonomy of the widow’s powers of alienation. The charter evidence has shown how in

in Noblewomen, aristocracy and power in the twelfth-century Anglo-Norman realm

–20. 106 Foucault, Discipline and Punish . As was the case for patients: Sinding, ‘Flexible norms?’ 107 These were tools for cultivating the self-managing self: D. Willems, ‘Managing one's body using self-management techniques: practicing autonomy’, Theoretical Medicine and Bioethics , 21:1 (2000), 23–38. 108 Kratky, ‘An audit of the care of diabetics in one general practice’, pp. 536–7. 109 B. Essex, ‘Records and audit’, in RCGP, Clinical Information Folder , appendix 19, p. 1

in Managing diabetes, managing medicine