Open Access (free)

Tony Fitzpatrick

more severe in conservative versions of capitalism than in social democratic ones, as the cash nexus is more prominent in the former, but although social democratic capitalism has reduced the gradient, it has nowhere near eliminated it, due partly to the fact that the traditional labour movement has sought to distribute social goods more widely rather than reconfigure the meaning TZP5 4/25/2005 4:53 PM Page 97 Productivism and beyond 97 of social value. Productivism is therefore the insistence that employment is the principal means by which growth in

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Journeying to death

Paul Gilroy’s The Black Atlantic

Laura Chrisman

productivism. The experience of slavery, and its historical memory, has rendered black peoples, unlike white workers and socialists, resistant to the notion that productive labour and expansionism of productive capacities are the medium, or precondition, for human emancipation. Black music, argues Gilroy, is full of this romantic anti-capitalism, expressed through lyrics that criticise the alienation of the labour system and which celebrate non-work activity and the suspension of the time and discipline associated with wage labour … In these cultural traditions, work is

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Enchantment and its uses

Religion and spirituality in environmental direct action

Bronislaw Szerszynski and Emma Tomalin

this active maintenance of the movement, activists were bound together by both a distrust of mainstream politics and a belief that the environment needed protecting. For activists, the Earth was of ‘ultimate concern’ (Tillich, 1957), the protection of the environment being the ultimate goal underpinning the movement. Whilst for some activists the ‘ultimacy’ of the Earth was simply a symbol of a wider political struggle against the forces of capitalism, for others this ‘ultimacy’ of the Earth was expressed in spiritual terms: actions were rooted, metaphorically, in

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Martin McIvor

the developing interrelation of legal domination and economic exploitation, and of capitalism – in the form it was then taking – as a profoundly political construction. And the corresponding interconnection of republican self-governance and collective economic regulation was pursued and developed through William James Linton’s English Republic and the early formation of the Social Democratic Federation. Similar continuities can be seen in the development of socialism in France. In the 1840s Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, an ardent (if idiosyncratic) follower of Rousseau

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Touching art

Aesthetics, fragmentation and community

Simon Malpas

particularly to his notion of the singular plural. Recent developments such as the globalisation of capitalism, gradual loss of power of the nation state, transformation of communications systems and fracturing of consensus about social structures and values that were founded on discredited gender and racial hierarchies have called into question the idea of a rational, progressive development of modernity. Contemporary thought seldom strives for the systematic rationality of Hegelian speculation.24 Rather, the notion of difference – whether it is thought in terms of gender

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A modest proposal for a less natural lifestyle

The paradoxes of sustainability and Michel Houellebecq’s The Possibility of an Island

Hannes Bergthaller

for individual health, spiritual wellbeing and a ‘more natural lifestyle’ (Emerich 2011: 137). Looking at LOHAS advertising and trade magazines, one begins to suspect that the true office of sustainability may have been to make deep ecology safe for consumer capitalism. While these two versions of sustainability are in many ways quite distinct, both indicate just how deeply the concept has become ingrained in the political, economic and social status quo. They highlight how talk of sustainability has become a way of expressing our desire to change things so as to

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Monstrous markets – neo-liberalism, populism and the demise of the public university

John Holmwood and Jan Balon

, although the state exists in relation to the problems of associative, social life that create a public, its own forms and modes of organisation may come to constitute a problem for the expression of that public, although, paradoxically, that is its raison d’être. Dewey had as his target two pathologies. The first sets the state against the public and is attributed to liberal individualism and its argument for the minimum state. The second is attributed to the conditions of modern corporate capitalism, in which there appears to be an ‘eclipse of the public’ brought about

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David M. Turner and Daniel Blackie

. These include the statutory regulation of workplace health and safety, the principle, albeit contested, that employers should bear some responsibility for accidents at work and the belief that the welfare needs of disabled people differ from those of the general poor and unemployed. Disability was essential to the Industrial Revolution, but historical experiences of disability are far more complex than previously argued. Historical materialist accounts have emphasised that the advent of industrial capitalism led to the marginalisation of disabled people as

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Neil McNaughton

higher place on the political agenda. During the late 1960s and 1970s a number of developments were important: Part of the New Left movement of the 1960s, which was concerned with the alienation of marginalised groups in society, became interested in environmental issues. Left-wing opponents of free-market capitalism, mainly among youth protest movements, saw it as exploiting the earth’s physical environment as well as its workers and consumers. As members of this youth movement grew older, many of them retained the environmental concerns which they had developed in

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Barbara Prainsack and Sabina Leonelli

the politics of openness are several answers to this question. One answer lies in our political economy. The shift from familial to corporate capitalism (Fraser, 2015) and the financialisation of capitalism have together solidified the dominance of commercial interests over politics. Corporate actors have easy access to national power centres, to the extent that they co-regulate important national policies (Gamble, 2014). As a result, not only governments but also citizens have lost control over important policy domains such as housing, work and energy (Wagenaar