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other political force: blacks themselves needed to create their own autonomous organisations, free to operate as they saw fit. This shift in Padmore’s thinking caused a more respectful position on Marcus Garvey to evolve – though both he and James were vociferous in condemning Garvey’s conservatism during the outbreak of strikes and riots in the Caribbean in 1937 and 1938. 13 More importantly it took Padmore

in West Indian intellectuals in Britain
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What lovers want

practice married among themselves.8 However, such flexibility was never without its tensions, as the rise of the ambitious encountered the inherent conservatism of a class where rank and wealth were based on birth. Degrevant reveals the potential for conflict in a shifting social landscape. Underlying the reconciliation with which the romance ends is a deployment of the trappings of chivalry to endorse aggression and violence as the normative way to achieve a social harmony identified with the privileges and property rights of great householders, both male and female. In

in Pulp fictions of medieval England
Sarah Orne Jewett, The Tory Lover, and Walter Scott, Waverley

revolution leads only to anarchy and military rule).28 While some of his nineteenth-century readers might be drawn to what they thought of as Scott’s via media, finding its combination of progress and conservatism appealing, Jewett’s novel insists on the issue of ‘rights’ (paradoxically rights learnt, across the Atlantic, from Britain) and hence the unavoidable break with established authority to secure these. The novel 148 Alison Easton plays self-consciously several times with the image of the conflict simply as a family quarrel, and each time the metaphor is rethought

in Special relationships

Thatcherites, and drew most of their support from that ideological group, with Davis attracting the backing of the awkward squad. Ancram, who put himself forward as the compromise candidate, drew his support largely from the party faithful. Portillo’s support was perhaps the broadest of all. He drew support from neo-liberals (his own brand of Conservatism), but also from some ‘damps’ (wet versions of the party’s wets) and from some of the party faithful. He also enjoyed the support of the majority of the Shadow Cabinet. Yet despite this broad support, and despite being

in The Conservatives in Crisis

. Constituency autonomy was also threatened by the new Ethics and Integrity Committee and its ‘efficiency criteria’ for the associations, both of which gave national officials a potential veto over local selections. In the years ahead, this potential might well be exploited by a party hierarchy desperate to offer an electable brand of Conservatism, with matching candidates. Here again, New Labour could be an inspiration, Millbank having blocked a series of ‘unsound’ candidates while in opposition.48   For many students of party organisation, and for many in

in The Conservatives in Crisis
A party in crisis?

was going. Resentment against what William had been doing had built up over time and when he switched to the issues of race and asylum, it was no longer possible for many of us to keep our counsel. Both Stephen Dorrell and I spoke out over Easter 2000, hitting the front page of The Times. I agreed with Dorrell’s observation that Hague appeared to be exploiting the asylum issue for electoral reasons and that in doing so, ‘he may unleash dangerous forces in society and that is not in keeping with the traditions of generous Conservatism’.39 A short while afterwards

in The Conservatives in Crisis

the most revolutionary of parties an indelible stamp of conservatism’. Yet, this became inevitable with the deproletarianising of the party’s most capable members who, upon elevation to the party hierarchy, accustomed themselves to bourgeois salaries, lifestyles and outlooks and abandoned their militancy. Similar arguments occasionally surface in the literature on Labour. For example, Guttsman (1963) considers that after 1918 Labour moderated its position as it attracted individuals from the intelligentsia and the new middle class. Bauman (1972) drew similar

in Interpreting the Labour Party
Labour, the people and the ‘new political history’

hard to manage. Labour was frustrated by the ‘apolitical sociability’ – the notion that ‘it was the Labour Party which dragged “politics” into everything, which took everything so “seriously”’ – which McKibbin holds (1998: 96–8) was characteristic of middle-class mores and an inter-war Conservatism that contrived to ‘not talk about politics much’. Yet while McKibbin’s (revealing) opinion that ‘never to talk about politics ITLP_C02.QXD 18/8/03 34 9:55 am Page 34 ‘What kind of people are you?’ or religion is . . . never to talk about two of the most interesting

in Interpreting the Labour Party

class. This worldview was characterised as a ‘comprehensive conservatism’ (Anderson 1964: 40), whose main pillars were empiricism and traditionalism, and which reflected and recreated aristocratic cultural and material values. All this was linked to the idea that the bourgeoisie had never stood in real opposition to the aristocracy, there had never been a full bourgeois revolution and Enlightenment rationalism had never fully replaced the ancien régime. The bourgeoisie in England failed to live up to its supposed historical destiny, did not become a fully hegemonic

in Interpreting the Labour Party
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The Nairn–Anderson interpretation

) notes the similarities of his approach to that of many other critics of Labourism, concluding it to be distinguished from them only by its essentially ‘relentlessly dismissive’ tone. Nairn (1965: 179, 208) saw these three features, taken together, as creating a party characterised by ‘subordination and defeat’ as well as by a ‘sclerotic conservatism’. Anderson similarly emphasised the corporately defensive nature of Labour’s configuration: the party, he believed, made no sustained attempt to be a hegemonic transforming force in British politics (Anderson 1992a: 33

in Interpreting the Labour Party