Eurasian security governance has received increasing attention since 1989. The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, the institution that best served the security interests of the West in its competition with the Soviet Union, is now relatively ill-equipped resolve the threats emanating from Eurasia to the Atlantic system of security governance. This book investigates the important role played by identity politics in the shaping of the Eurasian security environment. It investigates both the state in post-Soviet Eurasia as the primary site of institutionalisation and the state's concerted international action in the sphere of security. This investigation requires a major caveat: state-centric approaches to security impose analytical costs by obscuring substate and transnational actors and processes. The terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon marked the maturation of what had been described as the 'new terrorism'. Jervis has argued that the western system of security governance produced a security community that was contingent upon five necessary and sufficient conditions. The United States has made an effort to integrate China, Russia into the Atlantic security system via the Partnership for Peace (PfP) programme and the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council. The Black Sea Economic Cooperation has become engaged in disseminating security concerns in fields such as environment, energy and economy. If the end of the Cold War left America triumphant, Russia's new geopolitical hand seemed a terrible demotion. Successfully rebalancing the West and building a collaborative system with Russia, China, Europe and America probably requires more wisdom and skill from the world's leaders.
Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making addresses debates on liberal peace and the policies of peacebuilding through a theoretical and empirical study of resistance in peacebuilding contexts. Examining the case of ‘Africa’s World War’ in the DRC, it locates resistance in the experiences of war, peacebuilding and state-making by exploring discourses, violence and everyday forms of survival as acts that attempt to challenge or mitigate such experiences. The analysis of resistance offers a possibility to bring the historical and sociological aspects of both peacebuilding and the case of the DRC, providing new nuanced understanding of these processes and the particular case.
This study explores the normative dimension of the evolving role of the United Nations in peace and security and, ultimately, in governance. What is dealt with here is both the UN's changing raison d'être and the wider normative context within which the organisation is located. The study looks at the UN through the window of one of its most contentious, yet least understood, practices: active involvement in intra-state conflicts as epitomised by UN peacekeeping. Drawing on the conceptual tools provided by the ‘historical structural’ approach, it seeks to understand how and why the international community continuously reinterprets or redefines the UN's role with regard to such conflicts. The study concentrates on intra-state ‘peacekeeping environments’, and examines what changes, if any, have occurred to the normative basis of UN peacekeeping in intra-state conflicts from the early 1960s to the early 1990s. One of the original aspects of the study is its analytical framework, where the conceptualisation of ‘normative basis’ revolves around objectives, functions and authority, and is closely connected with the institutionalised values in the UN Charter such as state sovereignty, human rights and socio-economic development.
A perfect companion to European politics today, written by the same authors, this
book presents past events, prominent personalities, important dates,
organisations and electoral information in an accessible, easy-to-read format.
The book is split into five sections for ease of use: a dictionary of
significant political events, a chronology of major events in Europe since 1945,
a biographical dictionary, a dictionary of political organisations and electoral
data. In addition to being a comprehensive reference tool, this book is intended
to provide a sound historical background to the development of Western European
2013, the 120,000 Syrians were
living within a melting pot of aid workers, journalists, visiting
politicians and celebrities. 9 Through extensive experience of working with media in
Za’atari, news reports from international English-language media and
academic literature, this chapter looks at the portrayal of children in
media coverage of the camp. By analysing how
reporting on children’s issues
its first eight months in office had been
unilateralist in its approach to international issues, embraced a multilateral
approach to security that also harkened back to the Cold War. With NATO
invoking Article 5 for the first time in its history, the European allies
provided enormous diplomatic and law enforcement support to the
United States – especially in the immediate aftermath of September 11.
Subsequently, the United States military response in Afghanistan created
some unease in western Europe, which was exacerbated by the ‘axis of evil’
reference in the
on the shift from inter-state to intra-state peacekeeping, with the
international response to secessionist attempts acting as a bridge
between the two. Once the internal dimension of the conflict was made
part of the UN’s agenda, as the last part of our analysis will
demonstrate, the UN would be given more and more authority to handle the
Even a preliminary reading of the ONUC experience
international community, focusing
specifically on the objectives and authority of the UN in relation to
intra-state peacekeeping environments in the two specified time
As a first step, we established that both international
normative prescriptions and the UN as actor had evolved under the
influence of structural changes in world politics. The early 1960s and
the early 1990s
Recognition and Global Politics examines the potential and limitations of the discourse of recognition as a strategy for reframing justice and injustice within contemporary world affairs. Drawing on resources from social and political theory and international relations theory, as well as feminist theory, postcolonial studies and social psychology, this ambitious collection explores a range of political struggles, social movements and sites of opposition that have shaped certain practices and informed contentious debates in the language of recognition.
The nature of Labour’s foreign policy remains under-analysed and
under-theorised. This is partly due to an academic division of labour:
academics who study the Labour Party come from a domestic politics
background, while InternationalRelations scholars tend to focus on
the state, and not party politics. It is also because the Labour Party
itself has had great difficulty theorising and analysing the nature of its
ideological stance on foreign policy. The differing ideological streams
of the Labour Party