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viability of democratic arrangements within and across pre-established borders. Whatever the lessons stemming from the process of bringing together a number of democratic governments under the organisational logic of a larger management system, the work at hand will have made a contribution if it offers an opportunity to communicate the major concerns underlying the evolutionary nature of European governance and its functionally structured subsystems. Such a task represents, above all, a pragmatic challenge, confronting, on the one hand, the transformation of

in Theory and reform in the European Union
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Deciphering power in Russia

the structure of authority needed to be overhauled, leading to a restructuring of power including the replacement in 2004 of direct elections for regional governors with presidential appointments. 32 This remained a work in progress, however, and during his presidency, Medvedev also worked to complete the vertical of power, often appointing technocratic managers to attempt to improve the state

in The new politics of Russia
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corruption. [See also: Tangentopoli*] Arias Navarro, Carlos General Franco’s feared head of security and Prime Minister of Spain 1973–76. Arias Navarro was born in 1908 in Madrid and received a doctorate in law from the Central University of Madrid. He worked at the Ministry of Justice as a civil servant before becoming a public prosecutor in Malaga in 1933. He supported the rebellion led

in The politics today companion to West European Politics

treaties. The acquis can therefore be understood to cover both the judicial decisions and the policy programme of the EU. The concept has played a major role in discussions concerning the enlargement of the EU to countries of Central and Eastern Europe. These countries are expected to accept the acquis communitaire and, to some extent, to have restructured their national legal, policy and administrative frameworks to accommodate it

in The politics today companion to West European Politics
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Europeanisation and Belgian federalism

to ensure a harmonious and efficient introduction of the Euro within Belgium between 1999 and 2002. Each measure is explained in the form of an up-to-date file which deals with the relevant sectors, the state of the work, the timing and, in some cases, recommendations. Leaflets and colloquia are also supplied. The possibility of enlargement in the year 2000 placed Belgium at a crossroads. A fear of losing its influence within EU institutions led Belgium to defend its position and to adopt a reluctant attitude towards following the ‘larger’ Member States who press

in Fifteen into one?
Class polarisation and neo-liberalism in the Irish Republic

, barely a year later, it had fallen to the growing recession affecting the information technology sector. Gateway was primarily of symbolic importance but behind the symbols there has been a major restructuring of the global high-tech sector. Information and communications technologies account for 40 per cent of total exports from the Irish Republic, having grown at an annual average rate of twenty-three per cent between 1993 and 2000.3 This 56 eih ch-3.P65 56 26/3/03, 15:09 Neither Boston nor Berlin 57 sector is dominated by large US firms. There has been a

in The end of Irish history?
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progress. This principle also provides support for active welfare. Benefits should be provided conditionally rather than unconditionally, based upon a willingness to work, train, job search, learn or perform some other valuable social contribution. Indeed, Tony Blair has referred to community as the product of opportunity in combination with responsibility (Levitas, 2000: 191). New Labour has gone as far as claiming that rights do not exist outside of the reciprocal relationships that are said to give them meaning: no rights without responsibilities (Giddens, 1998: 65

in After the new social democracy
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form through the period of the united/popular front against fascism, 1935–39, returning with renewed vigour in August 1939 after the conclusion of the Ribbentrop–Molotov Pact until Hitler’s invasion of the USSR in June 1941. For the rest of the Second World War, most social democrats repressed or even discarded their belief in the existence of M1738 - CALLAGHAN TEXT.indd 287 3/8/09 12:13:46 288 Afterword an unbridgeable divide between social democracy and communism. They worked closely with communists in resistance movements in occupied Western Europe and war

in In search of social democracy

policies nationally and internationally and encouragement to ‘corporations and unions to work together on economic restructuring in the face of technological change’. 46 This is precisely the agenda that has been promoted by the World Bank since 1990. The World Development Report 1990: Poverty , promoted ‘investment in people’, an improved climate for enterprise, the opening of

in The Third Way and beyond

to the official release of Scharping’s report, debate on the future of the Bundeswehr had centred principally on the issues of conscription and the financing of the reforms. After the premature leakage of the Weizsaecker report, the SPD defended the commission’s work and argued that the report had more value than any previous discussions on the role of the Bundeswehr, though at the same time Scharping charged that the commission’s proposal on conscription would, if implemented, undermine equity and fairness in its practice. The Green element of the coalition conceded

in Germany and the use of force