taxation regimes or what we call “imperial monetization” (always backed by force and punishment) contributed to the constitution of new forms of agency geared for the capitalist world market. Unlike Graeber and Braudel, we do not see the market as something separate from capitalism but the very precondition for the emergence of capitalization and debt as a technology of organized power. As numeric computational power processes, capitalization and debt can only work through price, and where contracts, transactions, and practices cannot be priced, bought, and sold, the
9 Assessing the US Congress I have wondered at times what the Ten Commandments would have looked like if Moses had run them through the US Congress. (President Ronald W. Reagan) At first glance, while the nation of the United States of America has changed greatly since the Constitution was written in 1787, the political system has remained remarkably stable. The United States is still a federal system, with its government based on the separation of the executive, legislative and judicial powers. Congress, the legislative branch of the government, remains a
others. Although these rules give rise to rights, some of which – notably the standard civil rights – he thought so important as to possibly warrant being given special protection within a constitution, his argument was not right based. Consequently, though Hayek saw judicial independence and review as vital for ensuring the integrity of the law and preventing its arbitrary use or abuse by the authorities, he was against the
. This gave the Parliamentary Labour Party considerable leeway in its policy positions. The relationship between the Executive Committee (later known as the National Executive Committee, or NEC), which was established at the LRC’s inaugural conference in 1900, and the annual conference, was left ambiguous. This relationship was laid out in more detail in the party’s constitution of 1918, drawn up as part of the reorganisation of the party’s structure to take account of the Representation of the People Bill. This Bill widened the franchise, and the purpose of the
range of conventional dispositions that existing theories and approaches hold – is difficult to foresee. Yet, the point is clearly made in constructivist discourses that familiarity with metatheory is a two-way process: it helps to develop ‘overarching theoretical perspectives’ and appreciate their relevance to ‘first-order theorising’. (Neo)republicanism In its basic conception, a res publica aims at fulfilling three fundamental ends: justice through the rule of law; the common good/public interest through a mixed and balanced constitution; and liberty (or civic
on the number of Roma should be based on self-identification rather than external categorisation, the fact that self-identification is fluid and contextual (Messing, 2019 ) can also be used by the state authorities to diminish the rights available to Romani minorities. For example, Croatia amended the 2002 Constitutional Law on the Rights of National Minorities in 2010 and 2011. In 2010, Croatia had amended its Constitution to recognise twenty-two national minorities, and among them Roma were named as a national minority for the very first time. The
: ‘The question of granting franchise to the natives will not be decided till after the introduction of self government.’ 38 In an exchange of telegrams with Milner, Chamberlain queried the wording of the draft article: ‘Seems to be worded so that we should actually have to exclude natives from the Franchise in any constitution establishing a self-governing Colony. Would it not be enough to leave from
intellectually, to the American colonies. Further fortified by the influx of ideas from the European Enlightenment and by further waves of the disgruntled from Britain, they provided the intellectual bases for the American Revolution and its subsequent constitution (1787). The Declaration of Independence (1776) is a classic statement of the liberal contract theory of government
politics in the Calder Valley during the 1997 election – one voter tells: ‘I’ll be voting . . . I’ll decide how when I’ve got five minutes’ – a Conservative admitted that ‘calling the electorate naïve’ (which Davies felt explained much about that party’s defeat) ‘was not, for an aspiring politician, too clever’ (1998: 203, 277, 299). If particularly pressing for Labour’s claim to be the people’s party, elitism and disparagement of ‘the people’ were clearly endemic to British political culture. It was ingrained in the benign façade of the constitution (Colls 1998
’. 20 Combe was a ‘moralizing popularizer’, who combined Spurzheim's phrenology with the social reform of Jeremy Bentham and James Mill. 21 At mid-century, Combe's Constitution of Man was the third most likely text to appear on shelves in English-speaking homes after the Bible and Pilgrim's Progress . 22 Because, like Spurzheim, Combe believed the size and shape of the phrenological organs were inherited, he perpetuated race and class