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Gender and nationalism in the early fiction of Flora Nwapa

conventions of their accounts. Instead she concentrates, and at length, on what was apparently incidental or simply contextual to male action – domestic matters, the politics of intimacy, the grubby reality and drudgery of maternal experience. Nwapa’s gender focus has demarcated an area of communal life that was elsewhere, in texts by male writers, forgotten, elided or ignored. In both Efuru and Idu, Nwapa’s interest is in the routines and rituals of everyday life specifically within women’s compounds.27 Women press into her BOEHMER Makeup 96 3/22/05 2:55 PM Page 96

in Stories of women
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identified as a ‘true child of literature’, and Edith Kurzweil cites a tradition of a ‘coupling of literature and psychoanalysis’ going back to Freud.9 In 1914, in a review of Brill’s translation of The Psychology of Everyday Life, Leonard Woolf promoted a reading of the Freudian text as literature; the result, according to Elizabeth Abel, was that ‘the characterization of psychoanalysis as a literary rather than a scientific discourse became a leitmotiv in England’.10 Steven Marcus calls the relation between psychoanalysis and narrative writing ‘an ancient and venerable

in Fragmenting modernism

emerges as a cross-ethnic value which is the background for a decent life in apartment blocks, especially after the wartime devastation and suspension of the rules of law and social order. Everyday life in the building highlighted an ongoing cultural redefinition of a modern model Negotiating ‘neighbourliness’ in Sarajevo apartment blocks 51 of behaviour in urban space, one embodied neither by the socialist infrastructure, nor properly represented by the formalisation of individual economic and legal responsibility for common spaces imposed by private property. In a

in Migrating borders and moving times
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Tracing relatedness and diversity in the Albanian–Montenegrin borderland

historic acceptance of diversity. In this context, ethno-religious conflict would potentially imply forging war not only against friends and neighbours – as was the tragic case in former Yugoslavia – but also against one’s next of kin.22 This, however, is particularly unlikely in a society where kinship remains the basis of identification, social cohesion and everyday life, and implies deep historical knowledge23 and a central reference point for belonging. What are the implications of the encounter between European Union (EU) multicultural policies and this historic and

in Migrating borders and moving times
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Borders, ticking clocks and timelessness among temporary labour migrants in Israel

, social, biological and cultural – all of which are related to time. Each of these border crossings affects their migrant experience. We have introduced new conceptions of migration time based on our work with migrants in Israel: ‘migration time’, ‘freedom time’ and ‘rupture time’. The first, ‘migration time’, sets aside migration as a special experience that all migrants have, different from everyday life. ‘Freedom time’ is, we believe, the first instance in the literature that an examination of time and migration is perceived to be an opening of a border, an expansion

in Migrating borders and moving times
Time and space in family migrant networks between Kosovo and western Europe

much about their experiences. This was in accordance with a view of the future in which their children would not join them abroad. The future of the family was at home, in Kosovo. The money they sent was used for the necessities of everyday life, for building houses and educating children. Their financial contributions and the consumer goods they brought home from abroad, such as washing machines and other household equipment – uncommon in the villages in Kosovo at that time – were meant to improve living conditions at home. Their children were to be spared the

in Migrating borders and moving times

contributions.10 Although, as we saw earlier, 25 per cent of marriages in the village are translocal, the absence of migrant wives is rarely mentioned or openly discussed. Naso often said that he ‘felt’ his wife’s presence in his everyday life, due to regular phone calls and the receipt of things she sent him. But in other respects her contributions went unremarked, like those of other migrant village women. Housekeeping, usually the domain of women, is now carried out by the men, sometimes with help from relatives or with hired help, while the material flows that contribute

in Migrating borders and moving times
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, however imperfectly, takes its audience outside of the norms and conventions that structure everyday life; this may simply be a liberation from real-time and real-space, but equally it provides an opportunity for the radical formation of new times and spaces. MUP_McDonald_01_Intro 14 11/18/03, 16:56 A polemical introduction 15 Fictional worlds necessarily have limits – the limits of what is (for audience and author) possible – but, generally speaking, the more flagrantly a text promotes itself as fiction, the greater are its opportunities to test precisely those

in Pulp fictions of medieval England
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Precedents to sustainability in nineteenth-century literature and culture

from Nowhere, is at times schematic and lacking in vitality. Having addressed, through Morris, the utopian novel, I want here then to turn my attention to La Terre, part of the Rougon-Macquart cycle. For this novel connects the idea of human sustenance as an ongoing project more closely to a recognisable, contemporary everyday life. Arch-representative of a literary naturalism defined by its preoccupation with historical, social and environmental determinism (White 2011: 524), Zola’s interest in these ideas was influenced by three figures, all cited by Spitzer

in Literature and sustainability
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Potentials of disorder in the Caucasus and Yugoslavia

everyday-life reality and guarantee a meaningful and applied result (Luhmann 1983: 38–53, 100–106). Secondly, the institutional framework provides the incentive structure for local actors and thus determines their strategic action. Institutions can thus not only diffuse violence, but they can also produce violence, if the incentive structure is ‘badly’ designed. Thirdly, institutions have distributional effects. They determine the access to resources crucial for organising violence and determine the relative position of actors. All three functions of institutions are of

in Potentials of disorder