Search results

Open Access (free)
David Bruce MacDonald

would have wished to portray their histories as long periods of suffering and decline, why playing the victim should now, more than ever, seem like a good idea. Since the introduction of the United Nations Conventions on Genocide and Human Rights in 1948, many people have felt a greater sense of responsibility for human rights abuses around the world. Rather than adopting a policy of non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries, we have become more concerned about what goes on behind closed doors, and more interventionist than ever before. Many feel

in Balkan holocausts?

Given the significant similarities and differences between the welfare states of Northern Europe and their reactions to the perceived 'refugee crisis' of 2015, the book focuses primarily on the three main cases of Denmark, Sweden and Germany. Placed in a wider Northern European context – and illustrated by those chapters that also discuss refugee experiences in Norway and the UK – the Danish, Swedish and German cases are the largest case studies of this edited volume. Thus, the book contributes to debates on the governance of non-citizens and the meaning of displacement, mobility and seeking asylum by providing interdisciplinary analyses of a largely overlooked region of the world, with two specific aims. First, we scrutinize the construction of the 2015 crisis as a response to the large influx of refugees, paying particular attention to the disciplinary discourses and bureaucratic structures that are associated with it. Second, we investigate refugees’ encounters with these bureaucratic structures and consider how these encounters shape hopes for building a new life after displacement. This allows us to show that the mobility of specific segments of the world’s population continues to be seen as a threat and a risk that has to be governed and controlled. Focusing on the Northern European context, our volume interrogates emerging policies and discourses as well as the lived experiences of bureaucratization from the perspective of individuals who find themselves the very objects of bureaucracies.

Eşref Aksu

sovereignty, human rights and socio-economic development. Authority, on the other hand, was conceptualised in a four-dimensional way, to encompass the depth and breadth of peacekeeping functions, the requirement of consent, the UN’s normative competence to make judgements, and the implementation of decisions. Within this conceptual framework, we developed an analysis of the collective expectations of the

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
Washington’s painful search for a credible China policy
Börje Ljunggren

class forces’, built to fight. 7 China, to date, is still a Leninist party-state that is far from tamed. Rather than undermining the government, the Internet has become an indispensable tool of Beijing’s “controlocracy”. 8 China’s violations of human rights have grown more brazen and the surveillance state is thriving. Was John J. Mearsheimer, the most consistent critic of US policy of engagement, then right in saying that letting China into the WTO was a fatal mistake? Mearsheimer argues that the future Chinese threat ‘might be far more powerful and dangerous

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
Open Access (free)
Cameron Ross

human rights and democratic norms. Regional leaders have fixed elections, emasculated parliaments, bribed the courts, strong-armed the media, and bullied opposition figures’.7 Such practices have enabled regional leaders to pack regional assemblies with their loyal supporters. And in many of the ethnic republics, assemblies are nothing more than an appendage of executive power. And by controlling the parliaments regional leaders have been able to control other key bodies such as the police, courts and electoral commission all of which are highly politicised. There can

in Federalism and democratisation in Russia
Open Access (free)
Shirin M. Rai

the private has expanded to include important issues of human rights1 and citizenship. While rights, like the state, provoke different responses from feminists (see Rai 1996), human rights discourse has been central to the struggles for democracy in the 1980s and 1990s. In Guatemala, for example, the exposure of human rights violations was the first step towards building the movement for democratization. However, the movement also tried to conscientize the popular masses with ‘the longer-term goal of preparing pobladoras to become citizens by organising their

in Democratization through the looking-glass
Open Access (free)
Amikam Nachmani

and political processes. Democracy in Turkey has successfully coped with various political and constitutional crises, the observing of human and civil rights by the authorities has improved and features of civil society have become stronger. True, changes and improvements are still needed, the economy gravely faltered towards the end of the decade and further respect of human rights must continue, yet many achievements are clearly discernible, some are indeed outstanding. Our study centers on several key internal and external aspects of Turkey

in Turkey: facing a new millennium
The analytical framework
Eşref Aksu

overriding and uncontested value, especially in relation to other important principles in the Charter. On close inspection it becomes evident that most principles scattered through the Charter cluster around three other basic values and are closely associated with them: 32 state sovereignty, human rights and socio-economic development. State sovereignty and human rights seem to be especially relevant to the

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
Open Access (free)
Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd

on popular sovereignty, republicanism and human rights. He offended virtually everyone, including the British Government, the French Revolutionaries and American Radicals, but provided the basis for many liberal and socialist ideas of the nineteenth century. The nineteenth century and ‘classical liberalism’ The nineteenth century was the heyday of what can be termed ‘classical liberalism’. Indeed

in Understanding political ideas and movements
Jenny Edkins

degree of political involvement or ‘human rights advocacy’ that humanitarians should engage in, about questions of ‘co-ordination’ of humanitarian and military action – marked stages in the movement from the relatively independent, poorly resourced and fairly marginal humanitarian groups of the Cold War period to a hugely well-resourced state humanitarianism, where the so-called ‘non-governmental’ sector remains central, but as a subcontractor to state agencies. More recently, the term ‘humanitarian war’ has come to prominence, as noted above, with military force

in Change and the politics of certainty