University Press , 2019) ; M . van Ginderachter and M . Beyen , Nationhood from Below: Europe in the Long Nineteenth Century ( Basingstoke : Palgrave Macmillan , 2012) . 29 J. Vandendriessche , ‘ Turning journals into encyclopaedias: medical editorship and reprinting in
Nationhood and Transgression in the Greek Crisis’, Comparative Studies in Society and History , 57 : 4 , 1037–1069 . doi: 10.1017/S0010417515000432 Kantsa , V. ( 2006 ). ‘ Οικογενειακές υποθέσεις: Μητρότητα και ομόφυλες ερωτικές
responded to post-imperial questions of nationhood and citizenship with exclusion or systems for regulation. 66 As a key pillar of post-war welfare, however, the NHS was built on a vision of social justice and equity. The waiting room was thus symbolically and materially central to these ends. Some GPs seemingly retained separate waiting rooms for paying and state-funded patients after 1948. 67 However, the practice quickly became uneconomical. 68 Finding their values challenged by the new system, other GPs
seventeenth-century India. 81 Similarly, Owenson's The novice of Saint Dominick (1805) operates as what Wright identifies as an ‘outsider national tale’, or ‘[a] national [tale] about nations of which the author is not a member’. 82 Its consideration of fourteenth-century France and its interfaith marriage of Catholic heroine and Huguenot hero point to the complex ways in which Irish authors looked beyond Anglo-Irish encounters in their works to negotiate and define modern nationhood in the early nineteenth century. Underlining the varied nature of
part, is centrally concerned with an investigation of Irish identity and nationhood more commonly associated with the Irish national tale than the contemporary gothic novel. 117 Clermont , too, betrays a real interest in Ireland, particularly in its depiction of Lord Dunlere, the heroine's maternal grandfather and a native Irishman banished to the Continent thanks to ‘his attachment to that unhappy Prince [James II]’. 118 Described as ‘one of the most faithful and zealous supporters’ of the Jacobite cause in Ireland, Lord Dunlere loses his
profound differences of context and forms of social ordering – that process may only be achieved through mutual accommodation over the very long term. (Webber, 2000: 70) It is now at least a legal and constitutional potential that ‘Australian nationhood is no longer forged within an exclusively non-indigenous crucible’ fuelled by ‘a vision of a single people’ but through a broader, more open, conception of participation (Webber, 2000: 77, 88). The Mabo (and the Wik) decision also focused attention emphatically on a fundamental
phasing out of birthright citizenship itself. If we are concerned about equality between citizens independently of how they have obtained their status and about the power of states to strip citizens of their membership, then it is much better if the third generation of emigrant origin no longer acquires citizenship by descent than if the second generation is put on provisional citizenship. Stakeholder citizenship and liberal nationhood
claims to nationhood did not depend on possession of a distinct ‘native’ culture or language. On all these grounds, his seeming indifference to them is readily understandable. In his most influential works, James set out to assail and demolish views of Britain’s history – above all its imperial history – which he regarded as myths. The legend to be destroyed was the idea that
to figuring who is a ‘good’ and worthy migrant, and equally who is redundant, ‘illegalised’ or deportable. 204 Bordering intimacy ‘Contribution’ (i.e. through work and labour) is superficially economistic. But this understanding of economic value is bound to circulations of heteronormativity and with it racialised accounts of the nation. As I have previously argued, the liberal account of nationhood relies on making distinctions over who produces economic and cultural value, tied as this is to inclusion in the labour market, principles of selfgovernment and
authentic nationhood that was constructed by a highly gendered ideology that placed women as the mothers of the people, the guardians of the sacred space of the family/household, and the educators of a future generation of male warriors and citizens. The ideological formulation of the ‘family-as-cultural-fortress’ can be found in nationalist movements throughout the Middle East and North Africa in the twentieth century, and it served to internally fracture and weaken women’s organisations.49 However, the balance of forces between ‘modernising’ and ‘traditionalist’ agendas