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The first child-witch in Rothenburg, 1587

taken leave of one another that night amicably. Matters went differently the next night, however, as the Hilgartshausen Gemeinde – all the male household heads, constituting the formal political community of the village – were gathered in the tavern for a communal drinking session. At the end of the evening Dolman had woken Stoll and told him that he should be helping to organise the settling of the bill. Stoll had reacted angrily, and possibly drunkenly, to this implied dereliction of duty, and accused Dolman of having called his wife a witch the night before. Dolman

in Witchcraft narratives in Germany

of a flawed imperial ethos. From the early stages of expansion in the seventeenth century Britain’s role had been defined by a distinct sense of imperial authority, much of it derived from ancient and medieval legacies. The Roman notion of Imperium described the limited but absolute authority of a single individual over a territory embracing more than one political community. In medieval Europe

in The other empire
Open Access (free)
Invisibility and erasure in The Two Merry Milkmaids

’s Republic , in which ‘citizens are portrayed as living … in a cave … in which enchained men are shown images by others who parade objects before a fire, throwing shadows on a wall … It is no coincidence that, by descending into a cave and retrieving a magical ring, Plato’s Gyges gains a rhetorical power that enables him to enslave the people of his political community’, ‘Rhetoric and

in Making and unmaking in early modern English drama
Open Access (free)
John Toland and print and scribal communities

collection of 1726. Only four of the texts remain obscure. Who were these men and women bound together in intellectual intimacy by Toland? A prosopographical study of the people identified on the ‘lent list’ establishes that at the same time as moving amongst European figures, Toland belonged to a circle at the heart of elite Whiggism. It was one of Toland’s skills to be able to fabricate, participate and move between these divergent intellectual, social and political communities. Of the list of twelve people, with some exceptions, the majority are unknown to mainstream

in Republican learning
Open Access (free)
Milton, Harrington and the Williamite monarchy, 1698–1714

simple evidence of Toland’s singular role, but of his involvement in a much broader political community. Some of these men were also part of a more private circle of influence and conversation. Although the works were produced with significant public support from leading political figures like Shaftesbury, Newcastle, Molesworth and Harley they courted immediate controversy. In particular, Toland’s edition of Milton ‘the great Anti-monarchist’, and more specifically his biography of the apologist of the Republic, sparked off a fierce response from Churchmen concerned to

in Republican learning
The Druids and the origins of ancient virtue

his projects. Toland described himself as always with ‘a book in my hand or in my head’, motivated by the desire to be entertaining in ‘private conversation’ and ‘serviceable to publick society’.1 Exploring in detail the intellectual transactions between Toland and Lord Robert Molesworth, one of the commonwealth politicians in his circle, will allow a more reflective appreciation of the function of his learning and ideas. As has already been established, Molesworth was at the heart of the intellectual and political community that Toland exploited in the circulation

in Republican learning
Missing persons and colonial skeletons in South Africa

reburials fell outside the TRC’s purview, being the domain of family and the ANC, they constituted an important moment, in which the body handed over to the family now returned to its political community as well as to a wider nation. Reburials also had the effect of rescripting the exhumations themselves, becoming dominantly ANC moments. Through the scripts of exhumation and reburial, the absent and missing body was produced as evidence, testifying from the grave to apartheid’s atrocity, and later, individually identified, produced as the nation’s hero on whose body

in Human remains and identification
The Rotuli de Dominabus et Pueris et Puellis de XII Comitatibus of 1185

–28, at pp. 21–8. S. L. Waugh, The Lordship of England: Royal Wardships and Marriages in English Society and Politics, 1217–1327 (Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press, 1988), p. 119. 8 T. Keefe, Feudal Assessments and the Political Community under Henry II and his Sons (Berkeley CA: University of California Press, 1983), p. 118. Milsom argued that Henry II merely tried to make feudal society work according to its own rules: Milsom, ‘Inheritance by women’; see, for example, the discussion of women inheriting, pp. 64–9. 9 Gillingham, Angevin Empire, pp. 55–9. 10

in Noblewomen, aristocracy and power in the twelfth-century Anglo-Norman realm

, Rhetoric and the “European Character” of Turkey’, Journal of Southern Europe and the Balkans , 8:3 (2006), 305. 126 Neumann, Uses of the Other , 53. 127 J. Lorimer, The Institutes of the Law of Nations: A Treatise of the Jural Relations of Separate Political Communities (Edinburgh: William Blackwood and Sons, 1883), vol. I, 102

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
Britishness, respectability, and imperial citizenship

and to and from the British Isles, suggesting that the empire was understood by British politicians and administrators as a single political community. 7 See, for instance, Catherine Hall, Civilising Subjects: Metropole and Colony in the English Imagination, 1830–1867 (Chicago, 2002

in Royal tourists, colonial subjects and the making of a British world, 1860–1911