Neil McNaughton

business and place the interests of workers above those of entrepreneurs. 3 Liberals have seen the EU as an opportunity to decentralise some powers in a ‘Europe of the regions’. Conservatives, by contrast, believe that Europe means increasing centralisation in Brussels. This will therefore enhance democracy, they argue, whereas many Conservatives see the EU as anti-democratic. 4 Many Conservatives are strong British nationalists. They believe Europe threatens the sovereignty of the UK. 5 Campaigners who are interested in the environment and the economic plight of the

in Understanding British and European political issues
Alex J. Bellamy

strands of its political traditions. The rallying call for this mobilisation was the fight for Croatian sovereignty. The attainment of sovereignty was the self-declared reason for the HDZ’s existence and some argued that sovereignty and national independence remained its only substantive interest throughout the decade.18 The goal of a united Croatian national identity required particular policy and rhetorical orientations. Tuœman had to establish a unified narrative of the ‘centuries-old dream’ of Croatian statehood by arguing that the different MUP_Bellamy_05_Ch4 67

in The formation of Croatian national identity
Kerry Longhurst

Longhurst, Germany and the use of force.qxd 30/06/2004 16:25 Page 25 2 Stunde Null and the ‘construction’ of West German strategic culture Interest politics alone . . . cannot account for Germany’s pacifistic military security policy, nor does it provide a satisfactory explanation of Bonn’s approach to national sovereignty or its aversion to unilateralism. One must look beyond material and political interests to the politics of national identity in post war Germany, which unfolded in searing domestic political debates over rearmament, reunification, and

in Germany and the use of force
Open Access (free)
The end of the dream
Simon Mabon

characteristics to these divisions, creating conditions that give rise to mafia groups who are able to capitalise on marginalisation and instability. The allocation of resources and jobs becomes a mechanism through which control is exerted and as such, performing identity becomes essential to ensuring survival. With the fragmentation of the state and emergence of competing claims to sovereignty, the biopolitical regulation of life provided the mechanisms of control to regulate life through stripping it of its political meaning. Across the region, the 236 236 Houses built on

in Houses built on sand
Yehonatan Alsheh

the violence, from a biopolitical perspective; (2) the historically specific inscription of sovereignty on corpses; (3) the emergent effects of populations of corpses; and (4) the role of forensic anthropology in tapping into corpses as resources for legal and scholarly investigations of mass violence and genocide. HRMV.indb 13 01/09/2014 17:28:33 14  Yehonatan Alsheh The biopolitical interpretation of genocide and mass violence Biopolitics, defined in the terms of contemporary social systems theory,2 is the historically specific structural coupling of the

in Human remains and mass violence
Cameron Ross

Constitution failed to be ratified. Thus, Yeltsin’s victory in 1993 was like Gorbachev’s before him, a pyrrhic one. Devoid of any real legitimacy, the Constitution was soon open to creative interpretation, indifference, and even outright abuse, by regional political elites, who were able to bolster their ‘patrimonial’ regimes with claims for economic and political sovereignty. There was no democratic revolution or people’s revolution in Russia as there had been in Eastern Europe in 1989, and ‘nomenklatura continuity’ was the norm in the regions, as former communist elites

in Federalism and democratisation in Russia
Regnar Kristensen

drawn attention to the fact that so-called ‘wars’ on internal enemies (e.g. criminals or terrorists) within nation-states take on characteristics which are different from those of traditional ‘wars’ between nations. They question, in particular, the notion of sovereign bodies by suggesting a shift in ground of our understanding of sovereignty from issues of territory and external recognition by states to issues of internal constitutions of sovereign power within states through the exercise of violence over bodies and populations (Hansen and Stepputat 2005: 2). Drawing

in Governing the dead
Open Access (free)
A reminder from the present
Pete Shirlow

recognitions of Irishness and Britishness. The replacement of the claim to Northern Ireland contained in Articles 2 and 3 of the Irish Republic’s constitution with a more benign aspiration to unification is understood as a positive acceptance of the need for political renegotiation and understanding. The hosting of dual referenda clearly recognised and permitted a theoretical form of joint sovereignty, a North–South ministerial council and limited forms of cross-border cooperation. The compromises made by the Irish state were also reflected in the concerns of London to

in The end of Irish history?
New polity dynamics
Dimitris N. Chryssochoou, Michael J. Tsinisizelis, Stelios Stavridis, and Kostas Ifantis

federal government, Fischer posed the question Quo vadis Europa? In the interests of economy, we offer a summative account of the normative underpinnings of his answer, which are to be found in his deontological call for a European constitutional treaty or Verfassungsvertrag centred around basic human rights; shared sovereignty; a division of competences between the Union and the states via a Kompetenzkatalog; a clear division of powers among the central institutions, including full parliamentarisation through the institutionalisation of a European bicameral structure

in Theory and reform in the European Union
Jenny Edkins

distinctions: between domestic and foreign, inside and outside, us and them, here and there.27 To take these distinctions for granted is already to frame the whole debate in a way that leads inexorably towards a solution supportive of state sovereignty. This is why, far from challenging sovereignty, humanitarianism often reinforces it.28 And I would suggest that this is the reason too why an increase in talk of normative criteria and the moral basis of humanitarianism is accompanied so closely by the incorporation of the independent humanitarian movement in practices of

in Change and the politics of certainty