The role of minority engagement

experimentation on animals is only permitted when there is no alternative research technique and the expected benefits outweigh any possible adverse effects.’ In these examples, opponents of animal research can be understood as unruly publics (de Saille, 2015) who challenge the status quo. In the UK the peculiar history of active (and sometimes violent) protest against animal researchers means that labels of extremism abound, including in law, where legislation to control animal-rights activities was bound up with a government response to terrorism. This fits well with Welsh

in Science and the politics of openness

s state socialisms, from Hungarian aspirations to a bridging role in European security policy to Gorbachev's imagination of a ‘common European home’, at a time when elites might have been losing faith in the alternative global project of connecting the state socialist world and Global South (Mark 2015 ). Pragmatic–technocratic reformers, and strategists expressing fears of terrorism and Islamic fundamentalism, were both ‘appropriating’ this position in Yugoslavia by 1989 (Kilibarda 2010 : 40). Late Yugoslav and post-Yugoslav ‘nesting orientalisms’ thus rejected

in Race and the Yugoslav region
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, 1989), pp. 35–67, and 109, respectively. On Fanon and gender, see the finely nuanced reading given by Madhu Dubey, ‘The “true lie” of the nation: Fanon and feminism’, differences, 10:2 (1998). See also McClintock, Imperial Leather, pp. 360–8; Bart Moore-Gilbert, ‘Frantz Fanon: en-gendering nationalist discourse’, Women: A Cultural Review, 7:2 (1996), 125–35; Kalpana Seshadri-Crooks, ‘I am a master: terrorism, masculinity and political violence in Frantz Fanon’, Parallax, 8:2 (2002), 84–98; Heather Zwicker, ‘The nervous conditions of nation and gender’, in Anne E

in Stories of women
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What does race have to do with the Yugoslav region?

explicitly racialised Islam. The conflation of historical myths about defence against Islam with contemporary transnational security discourses about terrorism and migration was widespread in post-Yugoslav Slovenia and, as they too built relationships with EU border security structures, the other successor states (Mihelj 2005 ; Petrović 2009 : 44–5). Tomislav Longinović, writing on 1980s–90s Slovenian identifications with Western Catholicism/‘Mitteleuropa’ and on interwar Yugoslav ideas of a ‘Dinaric race’, already reads ‘race’ and whiteness as

in Race and the Yugoslav region
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far-reaching. The CD wants the Dutch defense apparatus to have at its disposal the best material, though it does not demand a substantial increase in its capacity or competencies. The only new role the party desires is training for combating terrorism and city guerrillas which might be a problem in the future. In the 1994 programme the section on defense is extended and toughened, including the demand that the defense budget should not be lowered. However, the fact that the CD wants to introduce a compulsory waiting period of two years between secondary school and

in The ideology of the extreme right

2504Chap2 7/4/03 12:38 pm Page 29 2 Contested national identities and weak state structures in Eurasia Douglas Blum Since their very inception, many of the Soviet successor states have been beset by ethnic violence, crime, trafficking – in arms, drugs and people – terrorism, poverty, pollution and migration.1 Most have also faced deeper problems of legitimacy and ideological drift. To a significant extent these pathologies can be traced back to the delegitimisation of the entire Soviet world view, and the lack of any viable replacement. The existence of an

in Limiting institutions?

independence from Serbia that no major Albanian politician dares challenge it – or its implication of continued discrimination against the Serbian minority. The Serbian and Yugoslav governments, for their part, cannot concede the symbolism of Belgrade’s sovereignty over the region even though the reality of political authority is irretrievably gone. A similar situation obtains in Chechnya, where legitimate political and guerrilla leaders are locked into the pursuit of independence, while the Russian president Vladimir Putin has built his presidency around a tough ‘anti-terrorism

in Limiting institutions?

, culture, education, energy, transportation, environmental protection and other fields’.47 However, the fundamental interests of the SCO and in particular its most powerful members, China, Russia 91 2504Chap5 7/4/03 12:40 pm Page 92 Security threats and Uzbekistan, are firmly linked to traditional security interests. This confluence of interests within the SCO reflects a common preoccupation with irredentism, terrorism and extremism. These three states also view and respond to new security challenges in a traditional manner. As a result, only modest expectations can

in Limiting institutions?

Rebellions, Chs 5 and 10. 18 The first session also saw a sizeable rebellion over the Criminal Justice (Terrorism and Conspiracy) Bill. In the second largest Conservative rebellion of the Parliament, forty Conservative MPs joined the sixteen Labour backbenchers who objected to all the Bill’s stages being completed in one day. 19 The Conservatives were concerned about the release of paramilitary prisoners in the absence of decommissioning. So, although they abstained on the Bill’s Second Reading, they put forward and supported Ulster Unionist amendments during the Bill

in The Conservatives in Crisis
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girls (laïcité B). Lastly, in a context of mutual hostility between the French state and sections of the Muslim community (fed by a wave of Algerian fundamentalist terrorism and a general sense of social alienation felt by secondgeneration immigrants) the intrusion of headscarves in schools was interpreted as a symbol of the fragmentation and break-up of society under the centrifugal pressure of multiculturalism (laïcité C). Interestingly, it should be noted, laïcité was also the central concept invoked by advocates of the Muslim girls’ position. They too endorsed

in The culture of toleration in diverse societies