The role of minority engagement

experimentation on animals is only permitted when there is no alternative research technique and the expected benefits outweigh any possible adverse effects.’ In these examples, opponents of animal research can be understood as unruly publics (de Saille, 2015) who challenge the status quo. In the UK the peculiar history of active (and sometimes violent) protest against animal researchers means that labels of extremism abound, including in law, where legislation to control animal-rights activities was bound up with a government response to terrorism. This fits well with Welsh

in Science and the politics of openness

s state socialisms, from Hungarian aspirations to a bridging role in European security policy to Gorbachev's imagination of a ‘common European home’, at a time when elites might have been losing faith in the alternative global project of connecting the state socialist world and Global South (Mark 2015 ). Pragmatic–technocratic reformers, and strategists expressing fears of terrorism and Islamic fundamentalism, were both ‘appropriating’ this position in Yugoslavia by 1989 (Kilibarda 2010 : 40). Late Yugoslav and post-Yugoslav ‘nesting orientalisms’ thus rejected

in Race and the Yugoslav region
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, 1989), pp. 35–67, and 109, respectively. On Fanon and gender, see the finely nuanced reading given by Madhu Dubey, ‘The “true lie” of the nation: Fanon and feminism’, differences, 10:2 (1998). See also McClintock, Imperial Leather, pp. 360–8; Bart Moore-Gilbert, ‘Frantz Fanon: en-gendering nationalist discourse’, Women: A Cultural Review, 7:2 (1996), 125–35; Kalpana Seshadri-Crooks, ‘I am a master: terrorism, masculinity and political violence in Frantz Fanon’, Parallax, 8:2 (2002), 84–98; Heather Zwicker, ‘The nervous conditions of nation and gender’, in Anne E

in Stories of women
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What does race have to do with the Yugoslav region?

explicitly racialised Islam. The conflation of historical myths about defence against Islam with contemporary transnational security discourses about terrorism and migration was widespread in post-Yugoslav Slovenia and, as they too built relationships with EU border security structures, the other successor states (Mihelj 2005 ; Petrović 2009 : 44–5). Tomislav Longinović, writing on 1980s–90s Slovenian identifications with Western Catholicism/‘Mitteleuropa’ and on interwar Yugoslav ideas of a ‘Dinaric race’, already reads ‘race’ and whiteness as

in Race and the Yugoslav region
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far-reaching. The CD wants the Dutch defense apparatus to have at its disposal the best material, though it does not demand a substantial increase in its capacity or competencies. The only new role the party desires is training for combating terrorism and city guerrillas which might be a problem in the future. In the 1994 programme the section on defense is extended and toughened, including the demand that the defense budget should not be lowered. However, the fact that the CD wants to introduce a compulsory waiting period of two years between secondary school and

in The ideology of the extreme right
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fascism and communism during the twentieth century and triumphed, but anti-democratic and irrational forces could reappear to challenge them and, perhaps, win. There is evidence of the growth of such forces in Europe: fascism, nationalism, terrorism, religious fundamentalism, and extremism in the cause of animal rights and environmentalism. At present they are on the fringes of politics. However, levels of intolerance of

in Understanding political ideas and movements
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liberalism may be said to have vanquished its main opponents, fascism and communism, in the twentieth century, it has not been without its critics. A market economy does not necessarily produce social justice. Liberalism has not so far provided very satisfactory answers to problems such as crime, poverty, terrorism and environmental destruction. Nevertheless, liberalism has, more than any other ideology, a built-in capacity for self

in Understanding political ideas and movements
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policies. Some might question whether Marxism has much to offer today. Marxists believe it still offers a valid critique of capitalist society in the modern globalised economy. Others believe it is a failed ideology associated with failed political experiments in the USSR and elsewhere. Anarchism is associated in popular opinion with terrorism and chaos, or with unrealistic ‘utopian’ politics. This

in Understanding political ideas and movements

military highways, built first by General Wade and then by William Caulfield, which opened up certain parts of the Highlands (but by no means all) to influences from further south, the Lowlands and England.2 As far as the Highlands were concerned, the most obvious changes were social and cultural. As Allan MacInnes has put it, ‘The immediate aftermath of the Forty-Five was marked by systematic state terrorism, characterised by a genocidal intent that verged on ethnic cleansing . . . chiefs and leading gentry abandoned their traditional obligations as protectors and

in Beyond the witch trials

humanitarian incentive because these countries were the wealthiest countries in Latin America, and Latin America was not, for example, as poor as Africa. Neither were there any security incentives because the problems in Latin America were mainly restricted to local issues which did not threaten EU security as international terrorism would do, for example. Therefore, Latin America is very much a remote region and still very much Lessons to be learned 215 under the influence of the US. This brings us to the question of whether the EU really is a global actor or a

in The European Union's policy towards Mercosur: