Open Access (free)
The beast that no-one could – or should – control?

et al., 2014) has revealed a popular demand for scientists to be more involved in discussions with the public about their research. Anecdotally, there is an increasing acknowledgement by scientists of the need to interact with various public constituencies (e.g. patient groups, environmental activists, citizen scientists), though at the same time they are wary of how to go about this. For example, should such interactions happen in academic or public forums, including social media? There is also fear of exposure to the demands of advocacy groups that refuse to play

in Science and the politics of openness
An introduction

, that we live in. It is a world where greed continues to be celebrated and economic growth stubbornly put forward time and time again. This is the world that our work as researchers, as teachers, as activists, as scholars and intellectuals, as higher education (HE) administrators, must address. Gandhi used a Sanskrit word in his teachings to say that we must measure the success of our work in terms of how it serves ‘Antyodaya’, the last person. This is the challenge of our generation. The organization and structure of this book There has been a significant increase of

in Knowledge, democracy and action

Marginalized Groups in the School of Nursing and Midwifery. More recently, CUPP’s Millican helped to introduce a new undergraduate politics module which feeds into the CPD programme. Another important outgrowth of CUPP’s CBR is the Inclusive Arts MA programme, in 2008. One of CUPP’s earliest pilot projects enabled UoB students from the School of Art and Architecture to work with adult artists who were developmentally challenged. The project was spearheaded by local artist and activist Alice Fox who had originally organized these artists into a group called Rocket Artists

in Knowledge, democracy and action

humour and optimism. More important, he knew what he wanted and he had the determination to see things through. Instead of having to boost his morale, in the early days I felt that it was almost necessary to curb his enthusiasm for the task ahead. One of the first gatherings of party members I attended in my new capacity proved to me how difficult it was going to be to knock us back into shape. I arrived just in time to hear a prominent activist delivering a tirade of abuse against the parliamentary party. At the first conference after the 1997 general election the

in The Conservatives in Crisis
A party in crisis?

rows over selections in a number of constituencies. Simon Walters’ book Tory Wars, exposes the way some activists were able to manipulate the selection procedure to exclude those they did not want. It must make painful reading for those who claimed that Hague was going to make the Tory Party more inclusive, show a greater professionalism and be more representative of society than we had been in the past.13 In our candidate selection process, we achieved none of those things. The desire to make the party more inclusive fared little better. Despite having previously

in The Conservatives in Crisis

control of the State through democratic means so as to create a more equal society. This could be achieved, they believed, within a reformed capitalism, one in which most of the damaging consequences of a wholly free market had been curtailed by government action. While the chapter is also concerned with those who took a leading role in formulating this social democratic outlook, not all of its adherents, it should be stressed, were Oxbridge-educated, academically inclined, aspiring cabinet ministers. For, while Labour activists are regarded as drawn predominantly to

in Interpreting the Labour Party
Interpreting the unions–party link

: 218) insisted, at ‘simply the achievement, maintenance or restoration of “free collective bargaining”, or, within the party, as Robert Taylor notes (1980: 100), at providing ‘the only real counterweight to combat the negative extremism of the constituency rank and file’. Yet union leaders have frequently participated as activists in Labour politics, often ignoring their unions’ policies in the process. Biographical accounts often reveal political activists trying to drive Labour policy well beyond industrial relations’ concerns: Frank Chapple (1984) on foreign

in Interpreting the Labour Party
Open Access (free)
Complementary or incompatible ideals?

could facilitate an activist local politics committed to urban renewal, coupled with modest redistributive programmes. Community and difference Young has three main complaints against the ideal of community.1 First, she contends that it requires full and complete mutual understanding and identification. As such, she believes it is valued as a means to satisfy a rather infantile desire for fusion, or as a way of accommodating ‘a longing for harmony among persons, for consensus and mutual understanding’.2 She maintains that in so far as full mutual understanding and

in The culture of toleration in diverse societies
Open Access (free)
‘Australia for the White Man’

Temperance Union, formed from an alliance of American and British temperance activists, heirs to an evangelical humanitarian tradition. The World’s WCTU sustained an energetic interventionist agenda that its ‘missionaries’ took across the world, combining temperance with an advocacy of political rights for their sex: 27 voting in elections, even standing for political office, were both rights and

in Equal subjects, unequal rights
Constructing security in historical perspective

more than one sense the story [of Moshe Sharett’s struggles with David Ben-Gurion] is also a history of the moderate camp in the Yishuv and Israel Labour movement, of the compromise reached between the moderates and the activist hard-liners, and of their respective contributions to the establishment and well-being of the Jewish state. ( Sheffer, 1996 : 2

in Redefining security in the Middle East