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Corruption, community and duty in Family Matters

it occur to Yezad that his Parsi purism is of a piece with the exclusionary compartmentalising of those Hindu nationalist forces he has previously despised. Mistry understands the psychological and nostalgic impulses behind social and cultural conservatism as well as any other contemporary writer. But his sympathies for the consoling qualities of religion and tradition evaporate when, as so often, they become a stick with which to beat others. For him ritual and dogma is of less consequence than social morality. In a comment that sums up the choices confronting so

in Rohinton Mistry
A critical reassessment

constraints on public spending. As the state’s revenues increased in the mid-1990s, it had a choice of continuing its fiscal conservatism or using the resources that it gained from the Celtic Tiger for the purpose of raising public consumption and, hopefully, general levels of wellbeing. It chose the former. And when the state reduced taxes, it had the choice of concentrating tax breaks at the lower end of the income spectrum, thus taking the side of equalisation of incomes, or of giving the largest tax breaks to the wealthiest, thus increasing inequality. It chose the

in The end of Irish history?
Racism, immigration and the state

ethnicity. This conscience collective is a continual object of struggle, since real-life experiences contradict, on a daily basis, the imaginary of national myth.43 The hegemonic sense of Irish identity established during the 1920s and 1930s has been severely challenged by the rise of the Celtic Tiger. The two main pillars and regulators of Irish identity and conservatism since the foundation of the state – the Catholic Church and Fianna Fáil44 – have both been partly undermined by economic growth and various media discourses referring to clerical and political scandal.45

in The end of Irish history?
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behalf of the family and his father’s memory ‘to combat George’s reactionary influence in the world’. He also records in 1913 that his brother Harry preferred the Spectator to the New Statesman and had voted Tory. Margaret, another sister, also married a conservative, and there is no evidence that the sisters opposed their husbands’ views. Brian Simon, younger son of Ernest and Shena, records the ‘evident move from the quite radical liberalism of Henry and Emily Simon towards a more general quietism or conservatism on the part of most (but not all) of his descendants

in Austerity baby
Integrative concepts for a criminology of mass violence

, one encounters accusations of disciplinary conservatism and complicity. A second, related reason for non-engagement is the suspicion that criminology may be poorly equipped to study crimes of mass violence and, in that sense, have ‘little to offer’. Mass violence is argued by some to be too great in scale, too complex, too dynamic and too dangerous to study using habitual survey and interview methods, and too conceptually alien, with its notions of collective, ideologically driven intent and state-legitimized violence. If these perceived disciplinary limitations

in Human remains and mass violence
The cultural construction of opposition to immunisation in India

Copley, The Political Career, pp. 14, 161, 236; H. L. Erdman, The Swatantra Party and Indian Conservatism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1967), p. 65. 75 The Hindu (14 February 1949). Important trials with BCG had been carried out on American Indians from the 1930s. See, Christian W. McMillen, ‘ “The

in The politics of vaccination

later studies, and the conservatism in recommending annual influenza vaccination lost its strength during the 1990s. New studies on the benefits of vaccinating older persons in institutions also made a case for increasing annual vaccination. In 1997, new recommendations were finally issued on annual influenza vaccination for medical risk groups and those aged 65 and over, harmonising Swedish policy with neighbouring countries

in The politics of vaccination
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Quentin Crisp as Orlando’s Elizabeth I

conservatism of the times they depict – analyses which also had relevance for the years of Thatcher’s rule in the UK during which they were produced – their narratives unfolded in a linear and realistic fashion, without formal or stylistic innovation. Many theoretical considerations of heritage cinema have attempted to interrogate the political ramifications of a body of films that seems to revel in the

in The British monarchy on screen
Open Access (free)
An allegory of imperial rapport

. Well done, my friend’, says the King in a belated bid for egalitarianism, ‘Thank you, Your Majesty’, replies Logue (albeit with a rather ambiguous intonation). It is at this point that the stories of the two men concur and the film’s conservatism re-emerges. Lionel learns his place, his rebellion is tamed and he is rewarded, as vassals in days of old, with a knighthood. 22 George VI gains that sacred quality of

in The British monarchy on screen
Open Access (free)
The King’s Speech as melodrama

circumvent even this fleeting recognition of the vast suffering of the general populous during this time – laying the film open to common criticisms levelled at the conservatism and elitism of the heritage film. That said, the film does engage on some level with political challenges of republicanism and the spectre of socialism that plagued the monarchy at this time, such as when George V tells Bertie

in The British monarchy on screen