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Dominant approaches

THE IDEA OF human rights covers a complex and fragmentary terrain. As R. J. Vincent comments near the beginning of his work on human rights in international relations, ‘human rights’ is a readily used term that has become a ‘staple of world politics’, the meaning of which is by no means self-evident (1986: 7). After glossing the term as the ‘idea that humans have rights’ (1986: 7) – a deceptively simple approach – Vincent notes that this is a profoundly contested territory, philosophically as well as politically. This is not surprising, as

in Human rights and the borders of suffering

are important questions for the theory and practice of international relations, then we must also accept the very real possibility that some self-described care is, in fact, ‘bad care’ (Barnes 2012 : 7) and that the language of ‘caring about’ distant others is often used as a justifying discourse for ideological ends. While Narayan refers to the use of this language in the

in Recognition and Global Politics

countries or regions in mind. In some cases they are produced in regard to those preferred countries that will become members of the EU in the future. These agreements are developed in relation to Article 310 (ex Article 238). This was noted by Nugent, who claims that ‘The Community may conclude with one or more states or international organisations agreements establishing an association involving reciprocal rights and obligations, common action and reciprocal procedure’ (Nugent 2003: 411). In the case of EU–Mercosur relations, the ongoing negotiations, which include a

in The European Union's policy towards Mercosur:

development of EU policy was possible thanks mainly to the influence of Spain and Portugal, and the advent of the Iberian membership of the EU that 110 The EU’s policy towards Mercosur institutionalized EU relations with Latin America; but again, Mercosur countries and other Latin American countries such as Mexico were keen to improve relations with the EU. In short, Latin American countries and Iberian countries collaborated in the development of these agreements. Additionally, the influence of a new political situation at the international level in the area of

in The European Union's policy towards Mercosur:

Social constructivist discourse analysis has, since the early 1990s, become increasingly popular across the social sciences, including international relations. The aim of this chapter is to outline the possibilities for the use of discourse analysis in the study of European foreign policy. Pure rationalists often dismiss EU foreign policy as ‘just words’ or ‘declaratory diplomacy’ as it is often

in Rethinking European Union Foreign Policy

over issues such as allegedly blasphemous artworks, the building of mosques or the regulation of male ritual circumcision. Habermas adopts the opposite perspective: discussing the international sphere in light of the domestic analogy, he expresses the hope that international relations between states can be domesticated and subject to the same forms of institutional and juridical

in Recognition and Global Politics

oblasts of Novgorod, Leningrad and 52 International environmental agreements in Russia Pskov as well as the city of St Petersburg; whereas Murmansk, Arkhangelsk and Vologda Oblasts, the Republics of Karelia and Komi and Nenets Autonomous Okrug are defined as the Northern Economic Region.23 The Northwestern Association, on its part, was established early in 1993 to facilitate co-ordination of the northern regions’ relations with the federal centre and to draw Moscow’s attention to its particular problems.24 It includes the Republics of Karelia and Komi, as well as

in Implementing international environmental agreements in Russia
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Theorising Arctic hierarchies

3 Power positions: theorising Arctic hierarchies International relations scholars of the twentieth century operated primarily with a conception of states’ interrelations as little more than billiard balls bouncing and crashing in trade, war and other forms of encounter. They posited anarchy as the only option in the absence of formal authority at the international level (Milner, 1991). In more recent history, IR scholars have sought to envision the international order as something more than anarchic and explain structured, repeated modes of interaction

in Arctic governance

crucial questions to be asked about its legitimacy. First, which actors are seen as legitimate wagers of war, and by whom? Second, over what kinds of issues is it legitimate to intensify politics by going to war ( ius ad bellum )? And, third, what are the legitimate ways of waging war? Expanding on a framework suggested by the Copenhagen School of international relations, this chapter argues that the

in Mapping European security after Kosovo

Hickson, 1979). In practice, however, a very considerable volume of international research follows the precepts of comparing standard variables, divorced from their socio-political-cultural contexts, in making statements about differences in outcomes at national level. These ‘thin’ forms of comparison are favoured by the political economy of research, in particular through the frequent need for research to cover large numbers of countries due to funder requirements, and the incentives to make positivistic claims about the relations between variables across as large a

in Making work more equal