‘conjuncture’ mean that these ideas have proved particularly attractive to a left that is struggling to redefine its project after the collapse of state socialism and the declining appeal of a top-down, bureaucratic corporatism and welfarism, and to respond to widespread concerns about the deteriorating social fabric and ‘hollowed-out’ politics of the contemporary market societies that neo-liberalism is creating. Republican ideas seem to promise a route back to the values of freedom and democracy that the twentieth-century left seemed too often to lose touch with, at the

in In search of social democracy
Open Access (free)

Berlin, ‘Two Concepts of Liberty’, pp. 132–3. 3 Berlin, ‘Two Concepts of Liberty’, pp. 135–6. 4 J. Christman, ‘Liberalism and Individual Positive Freedom’, Ethics , 101 (1991), pp. 343–59. On the positive concept of freedom see also C. Taylor, ‘What

in Political concepts
Problematising the normative connection

’ realism and liberalism as opposed to neo-realism and neo-liberalism. 20 An example is C. Douzinas and R. Warrington, Justice Miscarried: Ethics and Aesthetics in Law (New York: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1994). While postmodernism is usually presented as being irreconcilable with ethics, Bauman notes that as

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
Open Access (free)

totally clear, but probably lie at least in part in the decline in formal religious observance from the early twentieth century, alongside the decline of political Liberalism which had strong temperance and anti-gambling sections. Certainly the National Anti-Gambling League and other formal anti-betting organisations were much less well supported between the wars. The falling attendance of the ‘respectable classes’ at churches, the growth of leisure alternatives to Sunday church- or chapel-going, and the growing urbanisation of Britain, all contributed to a failure to

in Horseracing and the British 1919–39

reverted to Horkheimer's original argument that workers were the ‘ultimate target’, they took up the core issue raised in Marx's critique of Bauer, the connection between Enlightenment and the Jewish question, now reformulated in terms of the connection between liberalism and antisemitism. They maintained that liberalism appeared fundamentally opposed to Nazi antisemitism but could not provide the basis for a coherent response as long as it continued to assume

in Antisemitism and the left

the sixth and final phase from 1990 onwards and entered into popular consciousness. Finance and financialisation emerged as forces of globalisation par excellence. 59 Counterpoints, critiques, dialogues 59 Time–​space compression altered communication, media, finance, investment, trade and governance, and set the parameters of how the politics of opposition to neo-​liberalism and global inequalities would take shape. The last two waves are the ones normally known as globalisation. More historically minded perspectives begin with the fourth or even third wave

in Debating civilisations
Open Access (free)

science in public, the role of publics in science, and the role of expertise in science and policymaking, as well the role of faith in science and society. Others have examined these issues, but we seek to put them in conversation with wider political developments around migration, religion and neo-liberalism. The book The chapters in this volume are based on work carried out within the Leverhulme-Trust-funded Making Science Public research programme (2012–2017), which explored the relationships between science, politics and publics through a number of topical case

in Science and the politics of openness
The Conservative challenge

values is to approach it from the public’s point of view. What do they want from a political party? In varying degrees, the public want three things: opportunity, security and hope in the future. We have to show how our values will offer these directly. Conservatism is an organic political philosophy; it grows and changes. It has appeared in the recent past to be dominated by economic liberalism. That is not enough. We are also a party of social progress; of recognition of our responsibilities to others. We are the party of the British constitution, favouring pragmatic

in The Conservatives in Crisis
Open Access (free)
An international political economy of work

6/19/02, 1:55 PM Globalisation contested 160 distinctive meanings ascribed to national ‘models’ within the construction of globalisation are rarely problematised. Indeed, there is an assumption that the pressures of globalisation have heralded an undisputed victory for AngloSaxon neo-liberalism, and a defeat for social market corporatism. As I have shown, however, the making of a ‘global Britain’ has served a particular set of functions in the framing of the need to ‘harness’ globalisation via labour flexibilisation. Such representations extend beyond the terms

in Globalisation contested

, neoliberal critiques first emerged in the 1930s and 1940s. 15 At this time, a small number of economists and political philosophers reacted against what they saw as a crisis of liberalism, in which liberal governments created mechanisms for securing individual freedom (from disease or old age) by collectivising social risks. 16 Faced with post-war planning and destructive totalitarian regimes, neoliberal theorists sought to rethink liberalism, and recast state interventions in social and economic realms as a risk to the individualised self-determination supposedly at the

in Managing diabetes, managing medicine