handed down from on high’; instead, they sought ‘a greater say and greater voice’ than allowed by the parliamentary system. The perception was that people were being ‘kicked around’ by those in authority and this alienation gave rise to Welsh and Scottish nationalism, student radicalism and union militancy. Yet such forces were hostile to government only because they had been denied expression within it: most just wanted to ‘participate constructively’ and win ‘responsibility’. Benn’s proposals were, all things considered, fairly modest. First, ministers needed to

in The Labour Governments 1964–70 volume 1
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Speaking of Ireland

their contribution as slivers of ‘Ireland’ which are temporarily imagined as hived off from the undisruptable, unseeable whole. Each book and article on Joyce or on the Whiteboys, each individual account of Irish memoir, each reclamation of Irishness from the diaspora, then risks becoming subsumed in the perpetually deferred but always desired, Casaubon-like quest for the settling of ‘the Irish question’, a question which both begs a definition and a definitive answer; and that question transcends the politics of Unionism or nationalism, the force of Norquay_03_Ch2

in Across the margins
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Changing meanings of the countryside in northern Italy

essay on the relationship between rurality and nationalism. In challenging Gellner’s view (1983) that one of the preconditions of nationalism is the emergence of an industrial society, Nairn’s essay pursues the argument that most ethno-nationalist conflicts go on recurring in predominantly rural situations (1997: 90). Thus, for Nairn, ‘Ethnic nationalism is in essence a peasantry transmuted, at least in ideal terms, into a nation’ (1997: 91; see also Wolf 1969). In arguing for the significance of rurality for nationalism, he shows that the countryside may be the

in Alternative countrysides
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transformation of US politics from a narrowly based assimilationist and exclusionary system to a broadly defined and inclusive democracy is the major story of its twentieth-century politics. The historian Gary Gerstle characterizes this shift as a turn from ‘racial’ nationalism to ‘civic’ nationalism (Gerstle 2001). There was a parallel international story. In 1917, President Woodrow Wilson decided to bring the United States into the European theatre of the First World War as an opportunity to ‘make the world safe for democracy’, and outlined his (unrealized) Fourteen Points

in Democratization through the looking-glass
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exploring the intellectual development of the co-operative movement, it has been shown that the political economy of co-operation affected the development of Irish nationalism in the early twentieth century. One way in which Sinn Féin nationalists differentiated themselves from their constitutionalist rivals who dominated Irish politics was in the attitude towards co-operative societies. Sinn Féin's appropriation of a pro-co-operative position positioned the party as sympathetic to the socio-economic concerns of the farming population. Before the

in Civilising rural Ireland
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women’s individual efforts and the formal associations with which they became linked, her work demonstrates that the twentiethcentury international women’s movement had clear origins in the late nineteenth century. Rupp has examined the challenges of maintaining a national identity during international work, describing how some women attempted to transcend national allegiances, while others, such as the International Council of Women, held that nationalism and internationalism could be complementary.5 Victorian conceptions of national identity were closely linked to

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’
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Ideology is the driving force of political discourse. Politics can be defined as the clash of interests dressed up as ideologies. This chapter examines what is meant by ideology, what forms it takes, how it is transmitted and its impact in both international and domestic British politics. 8 Nationalism Nationalism is arguably the most important force in modern politics. We discuss nationalism’s growth

in Understanding political ideas and movements
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meaning of the mountie to represent changing Anglo-Canadian nationalism. 13 Also concerned with icons, Daniel Francis takes a critical look at national identity through an examination of ‘myths’ in Canadian history such as the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) and the Canadian Pacific Railway (CPR), and the myth of unity with Quebec. 14 The shaping of Canadian culture, history, politics and health

in Female imperialism and national identity

of Yugoslavia which, it is sometimes thought, opened space for new postsocialist racisms. Translations of broader racialised discourses in the 1990s indeed took distinctive forms, embedded in a transnational European ‘cultural racism’ (Balibar and Wallerstein 1991 : 26) consolidating nationalisms around a common defensive project of securing Europe against supposedly culturally alien, unassimilable migrant Others from Africa and Asia (Lentin 2004 ; Fekete 2009 ). Culturalist narratives of Europeanness-as-modernity and Europeanness-at-risk entered traditionalist

in Race and the Yugoslav region
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). Postcolonial thought in a ‘House of south-east European studies’ would not quite be in the father's master bedroom (we might find realist studies of ethnicity and nationalism there), but with studies of identity in the region so deeply informed by theorising the ‘Europe’/‘Balkans’ relationship, ‘balkanism’ is securely indoors, quite likely settling in upstairs. However, when the history of structural and material violence that globalised ‘race’ is also the origin of the dominations contested by postcolonial theory, it is even more curious that south-east European studies is

in Race and the Yugoslav region