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South Africa in the post-imperial metropole

chapter6 21/12/04 11:17 am Page 107 6 Transnational productions of Englishness: South Africa in the post-imperial metropole ‘Huge ideological work has to go on every day to produce this mouse that people can recognize as the English.’ Thus observes Stuart Hall, one of the foremost practitioners of black cultural studies in Britain.1 For Hall, the transformation of English national identity began with Margaret Thatcher’s 1979 government. The contemporary production of Englishness became, and continues to be, labour-intensive because England had lost the

in Postcolonial contraventions
Forensic and archaeological approaches to locating the remains of Holocaust victims

a post-​war phenomenon. During the Holocaust, attempts were made by victims and witnesses to alert the wider world to the crimes being perpetrated by burying or hiding physical evidence. For example, speaking about Treblinka extermination camp, survivor Abraham Goldfarb stated:  ‘we secretly placed in the walls of the graves whole skeletons and we wrote on scraps of paper what the Germans were doing at Treblinka … if one 164 164   Human remains in society day someone looked for the traces of the Nazis’ crimes, they could indeed be found’.3 Many testimonies like

in Human remains in society

not, the strategic stake in British politics, which no one could ignore. Here, as with its Marxism, the New Left tried to adopt a ‘third’ position, opposing both the acceptance of capitalism implied by Gaitskell and Crosland, and the effective refusal by the Labour Left to accept that a new analysis was necessary for the post-war situation. With its ‘one foot in, one foot out’ approach, the New Left spoke of a ‘break back’ of their ideas into the party, which could lead to a peaceful revolution. E. P. Thompson (1960: 7) spoke in terms of interpenetrating opposites

in Interpreting the Labour Party

sociopolitical conditions that negate our multiple connections to others. Yet in each of those genocidal instances, neighbours viciously attacked neighbours with whom they shared communal bonds; suspicion and aggrievement stymie or thwart post-conflict reconstruction and social rehabilitation, which are essentially projects of re-cognition. Politically, then, recognition often assumes the

in Recognition and Global Politics
The Indian experience

house is called the Rajya Sabha (States’ Assembly) with 250 members. Representatives are chosen on the basis of first past the post by singlemember constituencies for the lower house and proportional 224 CASE STUDIES representation by state assemblies for the upper. In 1991 women formed 5.2 per cent of the membership of the Lok Sabha and 9.8 per cent of the membership of the Rajya Sabha (Swarup et al., 1994:362). This was lower than the preceding Parliament of 1989. Further, ‘it can be safely presumed that membership of women in [political] parties does not exceed

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
The European union’s policy in the field of arms export controls

-General of the WEU) as well as the designation of Chris Patten as ‘Super-Commissioner’ for External Relations 6 are structural measures towards this objective. Despite some criticisms of federalists against the creation of the post of ‘Mr CFSP’ (Dehousse 1998 ), this solution of a Council–Commission tandem seems to be the only one able to reflect the consociational/confederal nature of the second pillar which makes it necessary to base it jointly on

in Rethinking European Union Foreign Policy
From the ‘militant’ to an ‘immunised’ route?

random. Although these are countries with profound historical, cultural and political distinctiveness, a comparison among them will serve the purpose because these countries have all experienced the varied phenomena of extremism and political violence in past decades and all were compelled to contend with the ‘paradox of the defending democracy’. Nevertheless, it is important to be aware of an important structural difference whose impact is central in regard to the methods of operation utilised by ‘defending democracies’. Unlike the United States and Germany, Israel

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence
New threats, institutional adaptations

Union, is now relatively ill-equipped to defend against or resolve the threats emanating from Eurasia to the Atlantic system of security governance, which had emerged over the course of the postwar period and is now facing a difficult transition to the post-Cold War environment. The changing nature of the security agenda and security dilemmas facing the states of Europe and North America make the transatlantic community increasingly vulnerable to threats originating outside its immediate geographic ambit, a point brought home to the United States on September 11 2001

in Limiting institutions?
Open Access (free)

structures: a deep-rooted structural crisis which prompted them to look above the nation-state itself as a means of resolving its acute legitimation problems. Underlying these criticisms is a belief that ‘new loyalties will arise in direct conflict with the nation-state’,57 opening up much wider horizons than those afforded by the latter. This is exactly what European federalists had in mind: that these multiple pressures on the nation-state would lead to the recognition that new democratic arrangements would have to be devised so as to meet the challenges of the post-1945

in Theory and reform in the European Union

meaning of history was therefore always to be refracted through the perspectives and needs of the present. With that in mind, after journeying through the work of John Dewey and his views on global democracy, it seems that we come to a logical set of questions concerning the relationship between Dewey’s time and our own. How are we to use his work for our own purposes? How does Dewey’s work help us contemplate and theorize our present form of globalization? And how does Dewey’s work inform an analysis of post-Westphalian ideas of global democracy in the twenty

in John Dewey