Liberal reform and the creation of new conflict economies
Jenny H. Peterson
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occurring amongst the companies and individuals involved, it is noted that
‘UNMIK suspected that rivalries between major political parties in part
accounted for the willingness of the municipality to tolerate this action, as
the workers placed at economic disadvantage by the action were primarily
in LDK controlled Pristina, while the benefits accrued to workers in PDK
Gllogovc’ (Eyre and Wittowsky, 2002: 27).
The privatisation schemes, whilst failing to transform politicaleconomies
state-societies (Giddens, 1998).
Gerhard Schröder’s apparent embracing of the individualism and ‘workfare’
(Jessop, 1994) strategy of Blair’s ‘Third Way’ in his ‘Neue Mitte’ concept may
be read as indicative of an acceptance of the necessary restructuring
imperatives of a global economy.
Yet, when we explore the debate taking place within and outside German
state-society it becomes clear that the representation of Germany as a rigid
and inflexible politicaleconomy in need of radical restructuring is by no
means uncontested. An effective counter to neo-liberal claims
Phillips, The Blind in British Society: Charity, State and Community,
c. 1780–1930 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2004), ch. 3.
17 Rose, ‘Work’, 187.
18 Emma Jacobs, ‘The Gig Economy: Freedom From a Boss, or Just a Con?’,
New Statesman, 20 March 2017, http://www.newstatesman.com/politics/
economy/2017/03/gig-economy-freedom-boss-or-just-con, accessed 28 March
current neo-liberals, scarcely less confident in their
ideology, reason in much the same way; leave capitalism alone, and it will
reach the panglosian best of all possible worlds. In both cases a belief in
the objective laws of politicaleconomy has provided the theoreticians with
the answer. And, in both cases self-interest was the key to understanding
society. The utilitarians championed individual self-interest. This was
especially true for Helvétius (Helvétius 1963: 204), who went on to become
the main inspiration for Jeremy Bentham – and, indeed, Marx.8 Bentham
Social Democracy: Cultural
and Ideological Problems of the Golden Age (Manchester: Manchester University
Aylott, N. and Bolin, N. (2007) ‘Towards a two-party system? The Swedish parliamentary election of September 2006’, West European Politics, 30 (3).
Bäckström, U. (2007) ‘A-kassan behöver konkurrens’, Svenska Dagbladet, 22 October.
Bergström, H. (2007) ‘Handelns jubel’, Dagens Nyheter, 14 April.
Burkitt, B. and Whyman, P. (1995) ‘Lessons from Sweden: full employment and
the evolution of Keynesian politicaleconomy’, Renewal 3 (1).
Callaghan, J. (2000) The
hierarchical politicaleconomy and justifies
continuing interventions and contemporary wars. For Duffield, security and development have become one and the same.
Ilan Kapoor emphasises the way that humanitarianism, and celebrity humanitarianism in particular, serves to draw a veil over the
operations of a capitalist economy and its production of inequality.
It ‘closes down political contestation and attempts to naturalise the
socio-economic status quo’. Drawing on Slavoj Žižek, he demonstrates how it works as an ideological fantasy and acts ‘as a cover for
the advancement of
Hannah Jones, Yasmin Gunaratnam, Gargi Bhattacharyya, William Davies, Sukhwant Dhaliwal, Emma Jackson, and Roiyah Saltus
population dynamics. In particular, Foucault points to the rise of
politicaleconomy in the late eighteenth century, focused on markets but also
on other ‘natural’ dynamics influencing population such as
agricultural production and birth rates. No less importantly, statistics
offered a basis on which to represent things in the aggregate , so that
trends and empirical laws could emerge amongst events that otherwise would seem
in colonies to justify and shore up colonial dispossession, violence and
subjugation (Trexler 1995). But it was also networked into metropoles
with regard to who was identified as civilised and how people were
incorporated into capitalist politicaleconomy. In light of this, family
must be understood to play a vital role in claims to modernity and with
it the capitalist heteropatriarchy central to the spread of empire (Wynter
2003; Quijano 2007). These are not histories that are behind us; they
are instead alive in the fabric of how family functions today
popular classes interpret their rights is sharply at
odds with the rhetoric and the practice of interventions and the broader function
that states serve in the global politicaleconomy. What a sociological approach
to peacebuilding and statebuilding explains is precisely why statebuilding will
continue its course, despite suffering a crisis of legitimacy. Although legitimacy
has been seen as indispensable for statebuilding, this is only limited, and instead
must be seen in relation to the practices of coercion and extraction that maintain
Precedents to sustainability in nineteenth-century literature and
, whether anxiety over ‘environmental crisis’ or the organic, systemic paradigms that underlie scientific
and philosophical ecology (2007: 22–6). And yet Derek Wall’s Green History
(1994) has a chapter on ‘Sustainable Development’ that includes three
nineteenth-century writers – Percy Shelley, George Perkins Marsh and
the French utopian socialist François Fourier; John Stuart Mill, in Principles
of PoliticalEconomy (1920 ), wrote about ‘the stationary state’;
Discourses of sustainability
while Morris envisaged something akin to a sustainable society in