Open Access (free)
Antonia Lucia Dawes

THE WORK OF Edouard Glissant, about the historical connection between language, power and domination, has been the central guiding force of this book. I mentioned, at the beginning, how his use of the Tower of Babel story has helped me to think about the liberatory possibilities of the multilingual talk that took place in the heterogeneous and multiethnic market places around Piazza Garibaldi in Napoli. Beyond the linguistic confusion, violences and silences of the postcolonial world, he argued that it was possible to build the Tower – in every language

in Race talk
Peter D.G. Thomas

interest’. The main thrust of their political stance was concern to curb the power of the Crown. For although the Revolution Settlement of William III’s reign had prevented the emergence of an autocratic sovereign ruling in disregard of the law and without a Parliament, the subsequent growth of government power, civil and military, led to a different fear, that Parliament would be corrupted into compliance with the monarchy. Hence ‘the country programme’, designed to curb Crown influence over Parliament, comprising such ideas as Place Bills, to exclude office

in George III
New stories on rafted ice
Elana Wilson Rowe

environmental awareness (Epstein, 2008). This book is designed to give us insight into how power relations have been important to structuring and sustaining cross-​border Arctic cooperation and cooperative governance of the region. Taking a close look at power necessitates jostling and unpacking established narratives about regional history and key actors. This chapter, however, aims to provide readers less familiar with Arctic settings with important19background 20 Arctic governance and, therefore, draws upon established narratives and classifications that later chapters

in Arctic governance
Open Access (free)
Jeremy Gould

social interaction. My empirical work highlights the use of normative argument to legitimize the exercise of power. The focus on normative discourse highlights the realm of narrative practices, but to become meaningful these must be situated – and studied empirically – within the concrete matrices of social action. The demand for self-reflection implies incessant interrogation of one’s own relationship to the value-claims of the observed actors. Although no transcendental authority is claimed for this version of anthropology, it reflects concerns common to the

in Democratization through the looking-glass
Roslyn Kerr

this chapter details a variety of ways in which various groups have attempted to examine the assemblage. This chapter is all about power relations. Specifically, it examines how various organisations have utilised inscriptions and a range of other surveillance methods in order to control doping. The type of control varies between organisations, with some aiming to control doping discourses, some to control doping in order to prevent it, and some aiming to control athletes. Essentially, this chapter follows the

in Sport and technology
Open Access (free)
Alison Forrestal

jurisdictional liberty and dignity. They fought a running battle throughout the century to ensure that these principles would be safeguarded for posterity. Ultimately, however, the episcopate was unable to halt the persistent squeeze that the guardians of the monarchical state placed on its model of episcopal power. The episcopate’s struggle was made all the more difficult because of the pervasive grasp of political gallicanism on many of the guardians of the realm’s public interests. Over the course of the seventeenth century, its central tenets gained increasing credence

in Fathers, pastors and kings
Open Access (free)
The international system and the Middle East
Raymond Hinnebusch

The Middle East has been profoundly shaped by the international system, or more precisely, the great powers, which dominate its developed ‘core’. The nineteenth-century expansion of capitalism and imperialism into the region reflected a combination of superior Western technological, market, and military power which penetrated and eventually reduced the Middle East to an economic periphery of the core and imposed a very flawed Western state system on it. Even after independence, Western capitalism continued to penetrate the Middle East: the

in The international politics of the Middle East
Peter D.G. Thomas

the eighteenth century, politicians in Britain prevented the evolution of an autocratic monarchy. Yet the sovereign retained the executive power, and William III certainly exercised it; but under his successors the functions of policy-making and patronage fell increasingly into the hands of ministers who were Parliamentary politicians. Twice, moreover, in 1742 and 1744, George II was compelled by the politicians who controlled Parliament to part with Premiers he wished to retain: and for long historians were accustomed to portray him as a king held ‘in chains’ by

in George III
Peter D.G. Thomas

Chap 10 19/8/02 11:49 am Page 219 10 George III, Lord North and the defeat of ‘faction’ (1770) The political contest at the beginning of 1770 marked the culmination of the events of the first decade of George III’s reign. The King’s opponents pitted the power of the House of Commons against that of the Crown, but circumstances tipped the balance in favour of the monarchy. The success of Lord North enabled George III to defy ‘faction’ and make good his royal claim to have a Prime Minister of his own choice. When Parliament met on 9 January neither the eve

in George III
Isadora Duncan’s danced revolution
Dana Mills

this reading of her work as enabling two worlds to collide when she was challenged about her musical choices: ‘When she was going to dance the “Marche Slave” (1917), she was told she could not because it contained extracts from the Tsarist national anthem. She won the argument that the (musical) piece itself was not important but her treatment was’ (Chambers 2006: 77). Dance for Duncan has a power independent of other means of communication and indeed can transgress those symbolic systems. She is committed to legitimising the strong political reading of dance. After

in Dance and politics