this reading of her work as enabling two worlds to
collide when she was challenged about her musical choices: ‘When she
was going to dance the “Marche Slave” (1917), she was told she could
not because it contained extracts from the Tsarist national anthem.
She won the argument that the (musical) piece itself was not important
but her treatment was’ (Chambers 2006: 77). Dance for Duncan has a
power independent of other means of communication and indeed can
transgress those symbolic systems. She is committed to legitimising the
strong political reading of dance.
apparent ubiquity of demonic power with a transcendent principle of evil,
some clerics began to insist upon the necessity for human mediation of the
diabolic side of the supernatural.
Such a striking dislocation of diabolic agency from the being of the devil
stands in stark contrast to the thinking of earlier ages, and requires some explanation. The basic Christian devil of the Fathers had been a relatively coherent,
consistent figure, who competently played out his well-defined role in God’s
creation. This is not to say that the conception of the devil had
be found in how Congolese
non-elites judge authorities from their lived experience, even if this is shown
only in the ‘whispered language’ far from the hype of a politician’s parade.
Thirdly, discursive resistance illustrates that criticism is a form of resistance to
the unanimity that peacebuilding claims, subverting the official discourse and
Ideals constitute a platform on which both power and resistance operate.
The claims to construct the good state, bring democracy, development and peace,
become long-term claims on which peacebuilders and
decision-making, and seek to parse rumours of firings and appointments
to attempt to divine ‘who is up and who is down’,
‘cracks in Kremlin unity’, power struggles and the
implications of ‘clan feuding’. There was much speculation
during the war in Ukraine, for instance, about the shrinking inner
circle of advisors to Putin and the rising influence of
‘hardliners’. Rumours also circulated for months about
subaltern studies powerfully pointed in newer
historical directions, the endeavor also appeared as privileging the
spectacular moments of the subalterns’ overt rebellions over
these people’s more routine, everyday negotiations of power. This
suggested, in turn, inadequate, abbreviated articulations of culture and
consciousness, of religion and caste, within the project.
Unsurprisingly, seeking a research
recognised itself as the dominant regional power; as far back as the 1950s, Washington’s strategic community identified the Pacific as an “American Lake”. At that time the United States was consumed by the war in Korea and throughout the 1960s it fought in Vietnam. US troop numbers in East Asia peaked around this time, at around 800,000 by the late 1960s. 1 It was only in the 1970s, after the Sino-Soviet split, that it temporarily retreated from the region.
In 1963 President John F. Kennedy announced the establishment of an “Atlantic community” by which the United
citizenship roles that were almost
universally limited to men. In this work, leadership (or
‘guardianship’) is conceived as membership of a class of warriors and
rulers constrained to serve the best interests of the community. They are
explicitly divorced from the more usual self- and family-centred concerns
which all too often tempt those who exercise public power into material
corruption at community expense. The ‘dialogue
The cinematic afterlife of an early modern political diva
Elisabeth Bronfen and Barbara Straumann
In the American TV mini-series
Political Animals (2012), Sigourney Weaver plays Elaine Barrish
Hammond, a divorced former First Lady who serves as Secretary of State.
In a trailer for the series, Hammond explains her own will to power by
invoking a comparison to historical female politicians: ‘I took this job
as Secretary of State because I feel I can make a difference. Eleanor
violent pursuit of his niece positions the
female as passive victim to an aggressive male sexuality that, while
condemned for its violation of the incest taboo, nonetheless adheres to
a familiar structure of power and sexuality. The reactions to these
different configurations of incest in The Mysterious Mother and
The Castle of Wolfenbach reveal a marked discomfort with
incestuous behaviour that
been further consolidated by a third round of regional elections conducted
over the period 1999–2001.
Manipulation of the electoral system
However, the cynical nature in which President Yeltsin manipulated the
election process in the regions has done much to damage the develop-
Regional elections and political parties
ment of a democratic political culture. Yeltsin’s victory over the parliamentarians signalled a victory of executive power over legislative power
which eventually led to the development of a semi