I think there's something there that needs to be looked at – an early recognition about this. Because she's now on the twenty-fifth percentile from the ninetieth. That's a significant drop, isn't it?
We were referred eventually to a dietitian and they put us on the milk ladder pathway, I think it is, for my daughter to gradually build up. So, take her off everything, which we'd already done, and then gradually build her up with a tolerance. Now she's great. It was very slow, and I think that my daughter suffered for quite a good few
Puri ( 1999 , p. 17) refers to as “the
language of ‘multiculturalism’ in attempts to manage
difference by projecting an image of nonconflictual diversity …
Haunting all of these assertions is a recognition of the fragility of
the ‘we’ of the race- and class-divided nations.”
Despite efforts to name Trinidadian and pan-Caribbean unity, “All
o’ we mix up” is not reflected in all of the
Damian Grimshaw, Colette Fagan, Gail Hebson, and Isabel Tavora
employers and trade unions, and the recognition that good social policy
can be a productive factor (see also Rubery et al., 2003a).
An important insight from the comparative institutionalist tradition for our
study of inequalities is therefore the need to widen the scope of enquiry beyond
the narrow frame of supply, demand and price (labour economics) and beyond
those social actors usually assumed to directly regulate the employment relationship (industrial relations). This wider lens encompasses the rules and norms
underpinning education and training systems, welfare
Irish culture – albeit highly hybridised ones – have the potential to reach
a global audience.
The burgeoning cultural appeal of the Irish Republic has been underlined further by the changing fortunes of the national capital. If we were
to go back fifteen years or so, the reputation that Dublin held among
foreigners was essentially that of a fairly drab and unsophisticated place.
In the course the 1990s, the image of the city would, however, be transformed almost beyond recognition. Consequently, the view that outsiders
have of Dublin today is invariably that of a
the economy. For theory, attempts to interpret the world
which rely on the established models of ‘consumers’ contra ‘industry’ and
‘organisations’ (especially corporations) are, in our view, unhelpful. Keeping
to such explicit or implicit models means that efforts to ‘green’ the economy
are bound to falter without the recognition of organisations, as well as individuals, as consumers. In the following section, we examine deficiencies of
traditional definitions of consumption and comment on the implications of
these weaknesses. In section four, we introduce the
product networks are pushed away by globalisation processes.
Although quality represents ‘common’ knowledge, this commonality cannot be seen as the sharing of the same imaginative representations. While the
circulation of quality knowledge allows for the recognition of capabilities
integrated in the product in different contexts, to a certain extent these are
idiosyncratic contexts of integration (or disintegration) of the product capabilities which can be seen as co-evolving rather as determined one after the
other in a linear diffusion of knowledge. In that
of a common humanity, was expected; those who set themselves apart or broadcast
their own achievements were strongly derided as ‘too full of themselves’. A hardnosed commercialism was anathema, and embodied in the much-denigrated figure
of the ‘gombeen’, entrepreneurs on the make. Relations were meant to be affective,
not nakedly instrumental, for one’s own petty gain.
What I perceived, as a child on repeated holiday trips in the late 1950s and early
1960s, as good-natured people coasting in a peaceful timelessness is now spoken
of as adaptation, willing or not
, above all, black African street vendors as undocumented, criminal and dangerous, in order to argue for the prioritisation of their own marginalised status as Neapolitans. At the same time some people – both Neapolitans and migrants – produced a countercultural response through which they sought, in small and subtle ways, to protect each other in recognition of a common precariousness, vulnerability and desire for autonomy. This response was not explicitly tied to direct action or organised resistance, but formed part of the everyday life of the pavement. Veiled public
was 42.8 per cent and for regional governors and presidents a healthy 55.6
To a large degree these elections marked a watershed in central–
periphery relations and a recognition by the centre that the regions had
to be granted a significant degree of economic and political autonomy
within the federation. The higher status of the regional political bodies
was also reflected in the fact that their two top leaders (chairs of assemblies and governors/presidents) were from 1996, granted ex officio membership of the Federal Council. More recently, Russian
Demand-side abundance and its discontents in Hungary during the long
consumerism. There were plenty of instances of the
Consumer and consumerism under state socialism
serious economic overstretch that consumer families were driven
into by their acquisitive lust (Péteri, 2009: 9–11).
Hegedűs and Márkus concluded their discussion by revealing
that the seeming historical choice was between the classic, Stalinist,
‘public administration model’ of socialism and the ‘main road model’.
Following the ‘main road’ meant market-oriented reforms and the
recognition that socialist societies, if they were ever to catch up with
the highly developed