the face of sustained Indigenous resistance would eventually become untenable. But its exercise at crucial stages of colonial rule would prove as vital to the later emergence of these ‘democratic’ nations as were the conventions of respectable men who eventually oversaw their official constitution as the century drew to a close. By the late 1830s, however, the point at which we begin our study, the interest of powerful
implicitly inexpungible’.43 In both equations, however, it is the federal demos as a whole, rather than primarily the dominant political elites representing the interests of each constituent unit, which is to be served by the central arrangements. Although federations encompass a considerable range of purposes, identities, cultural traditions, organisational characteristics and power-sharing arrangements, as well as different means of protecting the constitution,44 democratic representation of all participating communities emerges as a common defining property. The issue
the mildness of their nature, the easiness of their manners, and the affectionate esteem they paid their Fellow Citizens’. This celebration of aristocratic virtue was a reflection of the elite dimensions of republican political life in the period. Newcastle’s virtue derived from his kinsman Holles, ‘the ablest champion of English liberty, and the sincerest Lover of the true constitution of our Government’. The combination of property and virtue, meant that men like Newcastle had a ‘natural right to share in the government of any place, where they have an interest to
also passed the 1968 Town and Country Planning Act and subsequently issued the Skeffington report, which gave the public an unprecedented say in planning. Finally, the Cabinet approved the formation of the Crowther-Hunt Commission and charged it with putting the constitution under the microscope, with a particular eye on exploring the merits of devolving power to Scotland, Wales and the English regions. This chapter assesses the party’s response to demands for greater participation – bearing in mind the uncertainties over both the nature of what it meant exactly and
, its social aims and the co-ordination of fiscal policies.13 There were also questions raised as to the extent to which Article 11 of the Constitution provided a sufficient legal base for the TEU to produce its effects on Italian law, national sovereignty and on the organisation of the state. The Italian Parliament decided that the limitation of sovereignty through the new economic policy could be based on this Article 11 of the Constitution. Furthermore, it declared that the constitutional provisions for the active and passive electorate should be modified in order
French. In 1951 all provinces gained independence through the constitution of the Libyan monarchy, headed by King Idris I, which, nonetheless, retained strong ties with the British empire. In 1969, by positing himself as the heir to the Senussi and Bedouin anticolonial resistance, Gaddafi's so-called ‘bloodless revolution’ allowed him to reclaim Libya's sovereignty, away from European control. Meanwhile, in 1955 – right after independence – oil reserves were discovered, a find that led to the establishment of several oil-extraction companies, mostly
for the rotation of power structures was reflected in the 1994 Constitution of Dagestan and its electoral law. The parity of ethnic groups in the power structures of Adygeya, Karachaevo-Cherkesia and Kabardino-Balkaria became a compromise among acting officials.5 Sociological surveys showed that a significant part of the population in the North Caucasian republics supported such an approach. During an all-North Caucasian survey in 1996, 54.4 per cent of the surveyed people in Adygeya were satisfied with how their ethnic groups were represented in the legislative branch
encouraged war.12 Kant argued that there was a necessary connection between the constitution of a state and whether it is bellicose or pacific. A despot who spoke on behalf of unrepresented subjects could easily make war, because ‘a war will not force him to make the slightest sacrifice as far as his banquets, hunts, pleasure palaces and court festivals are concerned … He can decide on war … as a kind of amusement, and unconcernedly leave 10 Lucien Bély, L’art de la paix en Europe: Naissance de la diplomatie moderne XVIe–XVIIIe siècle (Paris: Presses Universitaires de
parliament. Conservatives have not, however, been keen to support the idea of a written constitution. This is presumably because it would lead to a Bill of Rights, itself the product of that whole line of reasoning about ‘natural rights’ which Burke, among others, deplored as being both nonsense and a stimulus to revolution. elected dictatorship A term used to describe the British system of government by
processes of their social constitution and secures their (re)production. The constitution of national (in)security as a problem is the result of social processes. Security questions, as Jef Huysmans points out (2002: 42), ‘result from a work of mobilization in which practices work upon each other and thus create an effect that we call a security problem’. A security issue emerges as the product of a