Open Access (free)

1920s hyperinflation, the Great Depression, trade protectionism and xenophobic nationalism, seeing the world economy split into autarkic economic blocs (Findlay and O’Rourke 2007).3 However, the evocation of the term ‘de-globalization’ is slightly misleading as it misses the foolish attempt, between 1925 and 1929, of the developed powers such as Great Britain and the United States to restore the world economy through the re-establishment of the gold standard.4 As such, even after the war, and in the midst of some trade protectionism and the project of rebuilding

in John Dewey
Critique and utopia in Benita Parry’s thought

And it is also to be found in Said’s Culture and Imperialism classification of ‘decolonising discourses’ as a progression from nativist through nationalist to liberationist theory.11 Rebutting Said, Parry points out that Not only are the stages less disjunct than the periodisation suggests – messianic movements and Pan-Africanism were utopian in their goals, Nkrumah’s nationalism was not exclusively Africanist, acknowledging as it did the recombinant qualities of a culture which had developed through assimilating Arabic and western features, and so on – but the

in Postcolonial contraventions
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Romances, novels, and the classifications of Irish Romantic fiction

section on ‘Irish gothic and after’ in The Field Day review , though he argues that the novel has no ‘direct link to the gothic tradition’. 72 Julia M. Wright nevertheless identifies the novel's use of gothic conventions as significant, contributing as it does to a literary hyper-hybridity as well as an ambivalence towards the cultural nationalism promoted by The wild Irish girl . 73 Raphaël Ingelbien, moreover, links The princess; or, the Béguine (1835) to fin-de-siècle Irish gothic fiction in its ‘[turn] to continental material to write indirectly about Ireland

in The gothic novel in Ireland, c. 1760–1829

, are only beginning to be pursued, with more emphasis on late Ottoman and Habsburg imperialism (Deringil 2003 ; Sauer 2012 ; Gökay and Hamourtziadou 2016 ) than the fifteenth to seventeenth centuries, which to Mignolo ( 2000 ) represent the origin of colonial formations of race. Much better discussed is the Ottoman Empire's collapse and the wars to establish and expand Bulgarian, Greek, Romanian and Serbian (and eventually Albanian) nation-states, subjecting south-east Europe to the geopolitical logic of nationalism as a principle of

in Race and the Yugoslav region
An introduction to the book

Republic is economically more advanced than the United Kingdom is a recurrent source of satisfaction. A view that is heard with some regularity suggests that the burgeoning cultural self-confidence that defines contemporary southern Ireland has nurtured a version of nationalism that is rather more palatable than is often the case. The current of self-belief that energises younger Irish people is said to have encouraged them not be introspective and chauvinistic but rather to be cosmopolitan and inclusive. The mode of nationalism assumed to have been kindled under the

in The end of Irish history?
Weak empire to weak nation-state around Nagorno-Karabakh

narrative of socialism had been replaced by nationalism among Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh and Armenia. Conflict breaking out of its social embedding The essential breakdown of societies’ capacity to deal with conflict in a nonviolent way or at least to avoid an escalation of violence does not take place on the level of discourse. It takes place on an institutional level – or, more precisely, when conflict loses its social embedding and finds itself re-embedded in institutionalised violence. The problem with the USSR confronting public reinterpretations of conflict along

in Potentials of disorder

their embryonic political project in opposition to the parliamentary tradition. An attitude expressed in support of the co-operative movement could serve as a proxy for whether someone supported an alternative national project to that put forward by the constitutional nationalists; what Roy Foster termed ‘new nationalism’. 6 The efforts of co-operative activists to re-make Irish society have repeatedly been overshadowed within the historiography by a focus upon the ‘white heat’ caused by dramatic political and military developments. Although

in Civilising rural Ireland
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and movements to and from the Caribbean, North and South America and England. Abdel-Shehid, in his assessment of sporting black masculinities in Canada argues “that we need to eschew the nation as an interpretive framework for thinking through sport and nationalism” ( 2005 , p. 6), particularly due to “the inability of Canadian state narratives to produce local versions of black masculinity” (p. 112

in Sport in the Black Atlantic

the Other (New York: Columbia University press, 1989); M. Banton, Racial Theories (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998, 2nd edition), 17–80; T. Todorov, On Human Diversity: Nationalism, Racism, and Exoticism in French Thought (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993) [1989]; Vincent, ‘Race and International Relations’, 659–62. 23 Gong, The Standard of ‘Civilization’ in

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
Between humanitarianism and pragmatism

Russia would be in a position to assist them without running the risk of a great power coalition against it. 15 Gorchakov’s reluctance to endorse Balkan nationalism was also based on his appraisal that the Balkan peoples were not mature enough to establish responsible states. Thus his instructions to Ignatiev were not to encourage irresponsible nationalist activities. 16 The ageing Foreign Minister could not understand, let alone appreciate, the fascination of the Balkan

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century