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Open Access (free)
Rhiannon Vickers

alternative to the traditional, power politics or realist approach of British foreign policy, which had stressed national self-interest. This alternative was internationalism, which stressed cooperation and interdependence, and a concern with the international as well as the national interest. In this, the most important influence on Labour’s foreign policy were liberal views of international relations, but Labour’s internationalism also arises from certain meta-principles of Labour’s ideology, which have influenced Labour’s external principles and policies as much as its

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1
Open Access (free)
Jonathan Colman

analysis noted that Britain’s standing in the United States depended ultimately on ‘our practical contribution to the Western Alliance rather than on any particular feeling of United Kingdom/United States interdependence’. 48 It was commented in 1964 that the ‘alliance with the United States’ was ‘the most important single factor’ in British foreign policy: ‘As much the weaker partner, dependent on overseas trade and with world

in A ‘special relationship’?
Open Access (free)
Harold Wilson and Lyndon B. Johnson: a ‘special relationship’?
Jonathan Colman

. Gordon Walker, Stewart and Brown all supported the idea of close ties between Britain and the United States, but Wilson’s input was such that, as Richard Crossman commented, British foreign policy was characterised above all by the ‘peculiarly Wilsonian touch’ of a ‘personal reliance on LBJ’. 27 The Foreign Office backed up Wilson’s support for the continued close relationship with Washington and for the British ‘great power

in A ‘special relationship’?
A political–cultural approach
Lisbeth Aggestam

of other member states or a European dimension. These words of a senior British foreign policy-maker reflect the experience of foreign policy cooperation between member states of the European Union for more than a quarter of a century. 1 Over the years, the level of ambition to speak with ‘one voice’ in foreign affairs has steadily increased to include even security and

in Rethinking European Union Foreign Policy
Open Access (free)
Thomas Robb

relations. Likewise, for Henry Kissinger, ‘international relations cannot be conducted without an awareness of power relationships’.37 Edward Heath was equally frank in articulating that ‘realism’ had to be the bedrock of any British foreign policy.38 The following chapters, therefore, provide an analysis of the key political engagements between the two countries. 01_Strained_partnership_001-023.indd 13 06/11/2013 12:43 14 A strained partnership? The context for US–UK relations The Nixon presidency has long fascinated historians, political scientists, journalists and

in A strained partnership?
Open Access (free)
Jacopo Pili

for British foreign policy, were reluctant to attack the former ally’s domestic system. However, the image of strength Britain enjoyed after its victory in the war began to falter in the following years. The 1926 general strike in particular convinced many Fascists that all the threats the Fascist regime had vanquished after its seizure of power were still rampant in Britain, and that this was true because the British political system was backward and inefficient. Freedom of the press was at first almost apologetically explained by Fascist commentators as something

in Anglophobia in Fascist Italy
Thomas Robb

-assessing foreign policy 25 such arguments. The Nixon administration’s indifference towards the special relationship coupled with a British foreign policy pursuing a more European path resulted in the special relationship becoming near redundant. It was only once the consequences of the global economic and energy crisis of 1973–74 became apparent that the special relationship became prevalent again.6 Central in many of these accounts is the role played by certain individual policy-makers. Henry Kissinger, in particular, is seen to have had a malevolent effect upon US

in A strained partnership?
Peter D.G. Thomas

service. This strategy sufficed to maintain British naval supremacy, since all Choiseul’s efforts to rebuild the French navy foundered on lack of materials, manpower, and money, and so did the Spanish attempt. At the time of the Falkland Islands Crisis of 1770 some eighty British ships were soon fit for action, and there was every confidence Britain could defeat the combined enemy fleets.33 If the conduct of British foreign policy posed more problems than could be anticipated in 1760, the attention of both government and Parliament was increasingly taken up by imperial

in George III
The Stamp Act Crisis
Peter D.G. Thomas

, Macartney in Russia, pp. 13–33. Scott, British Foreign Policy, pp. 95–7. 15 Escott, Thesis, pp. 66–100. Scott, British Foreign Policy, pp. 91–5. 16 Powell, Thesis, p. 110. 17 Walpole, Memoirs, II, 144–5. 18 Thomas, British Politics and the Stamp Act Crisis, pp. 132–6. 19 Thomas, British Politics and the Stamp Act Crisis, pp. 137–8. This view is confirmed by Lord Hardwicke’s later comment. BL Add. MSS. 35428, fo. 22. For a more literal interpretation, see Langford, First Rockingham Administration, pp. 80–2. 20 Thomas, British Politics and the Stamp Act Crisis, pp. 138

in George III
Jonathan Colman

relations between the Labour government and the United States, characterised above all by Wilson’s determination to secure his ties with the White House, in keeping with his personal inclinations and his view that close cooperation with Washington was fundamental to British foreign policy. The Labour victory President Johnson had never feared a Labour victory in Britain, but he felt it necessary to ease any

in A ‘special relationship’?