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Harold Wilson and Lyndon B. Johnson: a ‘special relationship’?
Jonathan Colman

. Gordon Walker, Stewart and Brown all supported the idea of close ties between Britain and the United States, but Wilson’s input was such that, as Richard Crossman commented, British foreign policy was characterised above all by the ‘peculiarly Wilsonian touch’ of a ‘personal reliance on LBJ’. 27 The Foreign Office backed up Wilson’s support for the continued close relationship with Washington and for the British ‘great power

in A ‘special relationship’?
Open Access (free)
Rhiannon Vickers

alternative to the traditional, power politics or realist approach of British foreign policy, which had stressed national self-interest. This alternative was internationalism, which stressed cooperation and interdependence, and a concern with the international as well as the national interest. In this, the most important influence on Labour’s foreign policy were liberal views of international relations, but Labour’s internationalism also arises from certain meta-principles of Labour’s ideology, which have influenced Labour’s external principles and policies as much as its

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1
Open Access (free)
Thomas Robb

relations. Likewise, for Henry Kissinger, ‘international relations cannot be conducted without an awareness of power relationships’.37 Edward Heath was equally frank in articulating that ‘realism’ had to be the bedrock of any British foreign policy.38 The following chapters, therefore, provide an analysis of the key political engagements between the two countries. 01_Strained_partnership_001-023.indd 13 06/11/2013 12:43 14 A strained partnership? The context for US–UK relations The Nixon presidency has long fascinated historians, political scientists, journalists and

in A strained partnership?
Thomas Robb

-assessing foreign policy 25 such arguments. The Nixon administration’s indifference towards the special relationship coupled with a British foreign policy pursuing a more European path resulted in the special relationship becoming near redundant. It was only once the consequences of the global economic and energy crisis of 1973–74 became apparent that the special relationship became prevalent again.6 Central in many of these accounts is the role played by certain individual policy-makers. Henry Kissinger, in particular, is seen to have had a malevolent effect upon US

in A strained partnership?
Jonathan Colman

relations between the Labour government and the United States, characterised above all by Wilson’s determination to secure his ties with the White House, in keeping with his personal inclinations and his view that close cooperation with Washington was fundamental to British foreign policy. The Labour victory President Johnson had never feared a Labour victory in Britain, but he felt it necessary to ease any

in A ‘special relationship’?
Peter D.G. Thomas

service. This strategy sufficed to maintain British naval supremacy, since all Choiseul’s efforts to rebuild the French navy foundered on lack of materials, manpower, and money, and so did the Spanish attempt. At the time of the Falkland Islands Crisis of 1770 some eighty British ships were soon fit for action, and there was every confidence Britain could defeat the combined enemy fleets.33 If the conduct of British foreign policy posed more problems than could be anticipated in 1760, the attention of both government and Parliament was increasingly taken up by imperial

in George III
The Stamp Act Crisis
Peter D.G. Thomas

, Macartney in Russia, pp. 13–33. Scott, British Foreign Policy, pp. 95–7. 15 Escott, Thesis, pp. 66–100. Scott, British Foreign Policy, pp. 91–5. 16 Powell, Thesis, p. 110. 17 Walpole, Memoirs, II, 144–5. 18 Thomas, British Politics and the Stamp Act Crisis, pp. 132–6. 19 Thomas, British Politics and the Stamp Act Crisis, pp. 137–8. This view is confirmed by Lord Hardwicke’s later comment. BL Add. MSS. 35428, fo. 22. For a more literal interpretation, see Langford, First Rockingham Administration, pp. 80–2. 20 Thomas, British Politics and the Stamp Act Crisis, pp. 138

in George III
Rhiannon Vickers

relationship with the USA as part of the post-war settlement, arguing that Britain would be unable to meet all its possible European and imperial commitments without military support from the USA, particularly within the context of an expansionist Soviet Union. During the last few months of the war, Attlee and the Labour ministers became increasingly involved in the development of the postwar international settlement. For Labour Party members, their expectations of change in both British foreign policy and in international relations intensified as victory, and the prospect

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1
Thomas Robb

3 A year of discord 1973–74 No special relations. Correct. They’ll [Britain] have the relation with the French. President Nixon to Henry Kissinger, 9 August 19731 A year of discord At the onset of 1973, the US–UK relationship was entering a new epoch. The East of Suez withdrawal had lessened Britain’s global commitments and Britain officially entered the EEC on 1 January 1973. Heath was determined to chart a more Euro-centric British foreign policy, which would involve the creation of common political, foreign, monetary and energy policies within the EEC. The

in A strained partnership?
Sweden and the lesser powers in the long eighteenth century
Erik Bodensten

Press, 1969); Michael Roberts, Splendid Isolation, 1763–1780: The Stenton Lecture 1969 (Reading: University of Reading, 1970); Ingrao, The Hessian Mercenary State, pp. 135–162; Jeremy Black, A System of Ambition? British Foreign Policy 1660–1793 (Harlow: Longman, 1991), pp. 204ff; Wilson, ‘The German’, 786–787; Wilson, German Armies, pp. 311–312, 326; Scott, The Birth, pp. 146–147. Sweden received very substantial British subsidies in 1805–1816; Åmark, Sveriges statsfinanser, pp. 594, 852–856; Sherwig, Guineas and Gunpowder, pp. 366–368, passim; Jan Glete, ‘The

in Subsidies, diplomacy, and state formation in Europe, 1494–1789