One of the most frequently cited
‘lessons’ of the Kosovo crisis has been the alleged extent to
which it spurred West European leaders to address a perceived need for
Europe to do more for its own military security. Member states of the
European Union decided to establish a ‘EuropeanSecurity and Defence
Policy’ (ESDP) in the months following Operation Allied Force .
Daalder and O’Hanlon have written
Transatlantic relations have been a
core issue in European – especially West European – security
since the end of the Second World War. The first section of this chapter
examines the nature of the transatlantic relationship and its Cold War
evolution. Attention then moves, in the second section, to considering its
development during the years since 1989. It will then be argued, in the
third and final
commentators and critics. Key features of the debates over NATO’s
employment of military power have been concerned with its legality and
legitimacy (i.e. the role of the UN and international law), its ethical
basis and its impact on the doctrine of non-intervention in the domestic
affairs of states. The conceptual debates that have raged over these issues
are important not only within the context of Europeansecurity but
In the eyes of some observers, the
Kosovo crisis posed the greatest threat to relations between Russia and NATO
since the end of the Cold War. It also, according to some, seemingly
demonstrated the impotence and marginalisation of Russia as an actor in
Europeansecurity affairs. In order to test and explore the validity of
these propositions the discussions in this chapter first chart the course of
Democratisation, nationalism and security in former Yugoslavia
Paul Latawski and Martin A. Smith
(Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1993); W. Duncan and G. Holman,
Ethnic Nationalism and Regional Conflict: The Former Soviet Union and
Yugoslavia (Boulder, Westview Press, 1994); S. I. Griffiths,
Nationalism and Ethnic Conflict: Threats to EuropeanSecurity (SIPRI
Research Report 5) (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1993); and T.
R. Gurr and B. Harff, Ethnic Conflict in World Politics (Boulder
, inter alia , J.
Simon, ‘Does Eastern Europe belong in NATO?’, Orbis ,
37:1 (1993), 32–4 and D. Stuart, ‘NATO’s future as a
pan-Europeansecurity institution’, NATO Review , 41:4
Study on NATO Enlargement (Brussels, NATO,
1995), p. 23.
The Weberian principle of the state as possessing a legitimate monopoly on violence is fading. Sovereigns no longer hold this monopoly; it now belongs to the international community. This chapter investigates the effects of this fading of legitimacy. Expanding on a framework suggested by the Copenhagen School of international relations, the chapter argues that the Kosovo war is a crucial part of two on-going shifts. In Kosovo, the states going to war as the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) Alliance represented themselves as 'humanity', the implication being that Serbia was cast as an enemy not only of human rights but of humanity. The Kosovo war defines the epoch exactly because it focused on the simultaneously existing conflict lines upon which politics is constituted. Serbia's attempts to legitimise its stance as a warring state defending the idea of state sovereignty was represented as an anachronism.
In this chapter, the author argues that Kosovo was an episode in the long-term process of the domestication and marginalisation of the United Nations (UN) by the United States (US). Although the systematic domestication of the UN began in the Reagan era, following the defeat of radical Third World calls for reforms, the author starts by reconstructing the 1990s' conflict between the US and Boutros-Ghali's UN. Having completed an analysis of the reasons for Boutros-Ghali's expulsion, he then discusses the functioning of the US-domesticated UN, led by the new secretary-general Kofi Annan. Recent developments, including the Kosovo episode, seem to confirm both the reconstruction of the deep grammar of US foreign policy and his analysis of global relations of domination.
This chapter considers a different conceptualisation of reality and representation in relation to the Kosovo conflict. It looks at Ferdinand de Saussure's arguments in order to offer some thoughts on the role of naming in relation to the Kosovo conflict. Using Jacques Derrida's thought, the chapter argues that the existence of a reality, which constrains the author's actions, is itself a representation, which has political implications. The chapter explores how North Atlantic Treaty Organisation's (NATO's) Kosovo operation. It also explores the Federal Republic of Germany's (FRG's) participation were represented as demanded by reality and, building on Derrida's arguments, highlights the problematic nature of these statements. Grasping the conflict as an ethico-political matter requires, or so the chapter examines a rethinking of the limits which we hold to be those of reality. The chapter assesses how the representation of the situation in Kosovo.
Virtuousness, virtuality and virtuosity in NATO’s representation of the Kosovo campaign
Jean Baudrillard's diagnosis of the Gulf War applies to the expression of organised violence in contemporary politics. This chapter describes that Kosovo campaign lends evidence to the suspicion that war as such no longer 'takes place', but that it has transmogrified into a different game with a different logic. As Paul Patton argues in his Introduction to Baudrillard's The Gulf War, virtual war, the war over truth rather than territory, is an integral part of modern warfare. North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) has conducted an epistemic war to secure its privileged moral status, fighting against the systemic anarchy of the international system, the inherent ambivalence and undecidability that necessitates and demands the political designation of identity. The chapter analyses NATO's virtuoso campaign to virtualise Operation Allied Force in order to represent itself as the virtuous actor in the messy reality of war.