Jon Seligman, Paul Bauman, Richard Freund, Harry Jol, Alastair McClymont, and Philip Reeder
The Ponar-Paneriai base, the main extermination site of Vilna-Vilnius, began its existence as a Red Army fuel depot in 1940. After Nazi occupation of the city in 1941 the Einsatzgruppen and mostly Lithuanian members of the Ypatingasis būrys used the pits dug for the fuel tanks for the murder of the Jews of Vilna and large numbers of Polish residents. During its operation, Ponar was cordoned off, but changes to the topography of the site since the Second World War have made a full understanding of the site difficult. This article uses contemporary plans and aerial photographs to reconstruct the layout of the site, in order to better understand the process of extermination, the size of the Ponar base and how the site was gradually reduced in size after 1944.
This article seeks to show that the bodies of Jewish people who died in the Drancy internment camp between 1941 and 1944 were handled on French soil in a doubly normalised manner: first by the police and judicial system, and then in relation to funeral arrangements. My findings thus contradict two preconceived ideas that have become firmly established in collective memory: first, the belief that the number who died in the Drancy camp is difficult to establish; and second, the belief that the remains of internees who died in the camp were subjected to rapid and anonymous burial in a large mass grave in Drancy municipal cemetery.
The Kulmhof extermination camp in Chełmno nad Nerem was the first camp set up by the Nazis to exterminate Jews during the Second World War. The history of Kulmhof has long been an area of interest for academics, but despite thorough research it remains one of the least-known places of its kind among the public. Studies of the role of archaeology in acquiring knowledge about the functioning of the camp have been particularly compelling. The excavations carried out intermittently over a thirty-year period (1986–2016), which constitute the subject of this article, have played a key role in the rise in public interest in the history of the camp.
This essay analyses the literature on the foibe to illustrate a political use of human
remains. The foibe are the deep karstic pits in Istria and around Trieste where
Yugoslavian Communist troops disposed of Italians they executed en masse during World War
II. By comparing contemporary literature on the foibe to a selection of archival reports
of foibe exhumation processes it will be argued that the foibe literature popular in Italy
today serves a political rather than informational purpose. Counterpublic theory will be
applied to examine how the recent increase in popular foibe literature brought the
identity of the esuli, one of Italy‘s subaltern counterpublics, to the national stage. The
paper argues that by employing the narrative structure of the Holocaust, contemporary
literature on the foibe attempts to recast Italy as a counterpublic in the wider European
public sphere, presenting Italy as an unrecognised victim in World War II.
Marie-Luce Desgrandchamps, Lasse Heerten, Arua Oko Omaka, Kevin O'Sullivan, and Bertrand Taithe
the leadership of the American Jewish Committee in New York. In the meeting, they
spread out photographs of famished Biafran children, prompting reminders of the
Holocaust. The sources show us that the Holy Ghost Fathers already verbally framed
the pictures in that way themselves. Feeling reminded of reports by survivors of the
camps in the 1940s, the American Jewish leaders felt they could not make the mistake
of ignoring them again: they had to do something about this crisis that was
aftermath of the events in Biafra – in particular, the emergence of different types of humanitarian non-governmental organisations (NGOs) from the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and use of the word ‘genocide’ – and memory of the Holocaust – to internationalise a cause and mobilise against extreme acts of violence.
Hakim Khaldi, Abdulkarim Ekzayez and Ammar Sabouni were all aid workers during the Syrian conflict and all analysed the situations they observed in the field. Khaldi, as a member of an international humanitarian organisation, tells of the
the Holocaust. In March 1995, a research team organised by Alison Des Forges of HRW and Eric Gillet of FIDH established an office in Rwanda and began to gather evidence, focusing both on the organisation of the genocide at the national level and on its execution at the local level, with an exploration of three local case studies. The research project that ultimately involved a dozen researchers culminated in the publication in 1999 of the 789-page report, Leave None to Tell the Story: Genocide in Rwanda , written primarily by Des Forges (1999) .
Leave None to
scientific veracity. From the opening exhibits featuring some prehistoric hominids crouched in some dark and dank cave, to men walking on the moon shadowed by clouds of a nuclear Holocaust, so our entire history is commonly narrated as a tale of survival against the odds. That the history of the human condition is a natural history of violence is rarely questioned today. And yet, in times of extreme collapse, humans often show their very humanness, compassion and dignity, and it is often those indigenous peoples most attuned with nature who have contributed the least to
Uses and Misuses of International Humanitarian Law and Humanitarian
( 2014 ), Colis de guerres, Secours alimentaire et
organisations humanitaires (1914–1947)
( Rennes : Presses
Universitaires de Rennes ) p.
Favez , J.
C. ( 1999 ),
The Red Cross and the Holocaust
( Cambridge : Cambridge
Forensic and archaeological approaches to locating the remains of Holocaust victims
Caroline Sturdy Colls
‘Earth conceal not my blood’:
forensic and archaeological
approaches to locating the remains of
Caroline Sturdy Colls
‘Earth conceal not my blood’. It is this statement with which every
visitor to Sobibór in Poland was confronted as they entered the
memorial site marking the former Nazi extermination camp that
existed there from April 1942 to October 1943.1 This echoed the biblical statement in the Book of Job, in which Job pleads ‘O earth, cover
not thou my blood, and let my cry have no resting place’.2 Although