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be summed up as ‘hyper-globalist’. It should be read as an example of international political economy (IPE) theorizing, and is not necessarily representative of every position that IPE scholars adopt towards the topic. Nevertheless, given the enormity of the issues, arcane questions about whether international relations constitutes a separate discipline (and foreign policy analysis just a sub-section of that), or instead refers to just one specialized dimension of political studies, hardly seem important. Why democratization? The benefits to be gained from
extent to which Milibandians have extended their inspiration’s original insights by incorporating within their own work the concerns of international political economy. This has imbued them with a perspective far wider than that possessed by most students of the party, who tend to focus on the internal party mechanics and remain trapped within national boundaries. Thus, Milibandians can now claim to possess a unique insight on the wider implications of ‘New’ Labour policy, based as it is on certain contestable assumptions regarding ‘globalisation’. The second category
). This is a familiar refrain of many authoritative works in comparative and international political economy. These are usually placed in the context of the breakdown of ‘embedded liberalism’2 internationally, and of the rise of the New Right and monetarism ideologically. The supposed repudiation of Keynesianism is often ‘explained’ by a changing international political economic context within which Keynesian economic policies are deemed increasingly incompatible (Giddens 1998: 16–17). Gray’s pessimistic account infers from the assumed centrality of neo
national struggle over the moral order that is civilisational in its contours as well as a class struggle that is political and economic. Gramsci’s reconstruction of problems of moral order and social existence in ‘Americanism and Fordism’ paved the way for a series of later neo-Marxist conceptions of capitalism. One neo-Gramscian offshoot turned explicitly to problematics of civilisation. Robert W. Cox has a disciplinary background in international political economy and international relations. He began by taking the implications of Gramsci’s perspective on the
trade away from the primary SLOCs. The possibility of managing this fundamental shift in the international political economy without resorting to war is risked by blind faith at home in the United States’ maritime destiny. Mahanian bondage keeps Washington from recognising that a successful empire is unbound and unshackled from geographic confinements – maritime or continental. 39 Notes 1 T. Kane, ‘Global US Troop Deployment, 1950–2005’, The Heritage Foundation (24 May 2006), p. 7, www.heritage.org/defense/report/global-us-troop-deployment-1950-2005 , accessed
is also constrained by opaque decision-making systems that result from a lack of a separation between public and private, between state and non-state, and between state and market – distinctions that are almost implicitly accepted as the basis for democratization in the West. Accordingly, studies of democratization in East Asia, while not ignoring ‘normal’ processes of democratization, should also consider the importance of political economy, and that marrying democratization perspectives with those in international political economy specifically offers a
own security, others would have to emerge as great or regional powers and behave as independent geopolitical actors.40 This American globalism, then, is compatible with a set of principles that have come to be associated with world order, stability and, hence, vital US interests. Three principal objectives remained as they had for forty years: to maintain a strong European defence capacity, led by the US; to encourage a process of European integration that remained compatible with a ‘US-made’ liberal international political economy; and to continue global
. 2 Ibid., p. 13. 3 Juan J. Linz, ‘An Authoritarian Regime: Spain’, in Erik Allardt and Stein Rokkam (ed.), Mass Politics: Studies in Political Sociology (New York: Free Press, 1970), p. 255. 4 See, in particular, the work of Rolf Schwarz, ‘The Political Economy of State- Formation in the Arab Middle East: Rentier States, Economic Reform and Democratization’, Review of International Political Economy, 15 (2008), 599–621. 5 Ilkay Sunar, ‘The Politics of State Interventionism in “Populist” Egypt and Turkey’, research paper, Bogazici University, Istanbul
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. Ghosh , F. Kern and M. Klare (eds), The Palgrave handbook of the international political economy of energy, 247–67 . London : Palgrave Macmillan . Lawhon , M. and Truelove , Y. ( 2020 ). ‘ Disambiguating the southern urban critique: Propositions, pathways and possibilities for a more global urban studies ’. Urban Studies , 75 ( 10 ): 3