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Open Access (free)
John Callaghan
,
Steven Fielding
, and
Steve Ludlam

extent to which Milibandians have extended their inspiration’s original insights by incorporating within their own work the concerns of international political economy. This has imbued them with a perspective far wider than that possessed by most students of the party, who tend to focus on the internal party mechanics and remain trapped within national boundaries. Thus, Milibandians can now claim to possess a unique insight on the wider implications of ‘New’ Labour policy, based as it is on certain contestable assumptions regarding ‘globalisation’. The second category

in Interpreting the Labour Party
Credibility, dirigisme and globalisation
Ben Clift

). This is a familiar refrain of many authoritative works in comparative and international political economy. These are usually placed in the context of the breakdown of ‘embedded liberalism’2 internationally, and of the rise of the New Right and monetarism ideologically. The supposed repudiation of Keynesianism is often ‘explained’ by a changing international political economic context within which Keynesian economic policies are deemed increasingly incompatible (Giddens 1998: 16–17). Gray’s pessimistic account infers from the assumed centrality of neo

in In search of social democracy
Jeremy C.A. Smith

national struggle over the moral order that is civilisational in its contours as well as a class struggle that is political and economic. Gramsci’s reconstruction of problems of moral order and social existence in ‘Americanism and Fordism’ paved the way for a series of later neo-​Marxist conceptions of capitalism. One neo-​Gramscian offshoot turned explicitly to problematics of civilisation. Robert W.  Cox has a disciplinary background in international political economy and international relations. He began by taking the implications of Gramsci’s perspective on the

in Debating civilisations
Atul Bhardwaj

trade away from the primary SLOCs. The possibility of managing this fundamental shift in the international political economy without resorting to war is risked by blind faith at home in the United States’ maritime destiny. Mahanian bondage keeps Washington from recognising that a successful empire is unbound and unshackled from geographic confinements – maritime or continental. 39 Notes 1 T. Kane, ‘Global US Troop Deployment, 1950–2005’, The Heritage Foundation (24 May 2006), p. 7, www.heritage.org/defense/report/global-us-troop-deployment-1950-2005 , accessed

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
Open Access (free)
Shaun Breslin

is also constrained by opaque decision-making systems that result from a lack of a separation between public and private, between state and non-state, and between state and market – distinctions that are almost implicitly accepted as the basis for democratization in the West. Accordingly, studies of democratization in East Asia, while not ignoring ‘normal’ processes of democratization, should also consider the importance of political economy, and that marrying democratization perspectives with those in international political economy specifically offers a

in Democratization through the looking-glass
Order and security in post-Cold War Europe
Dimitris N. Chryssochoou
,
Michael J. Tsinisizelis
,
Stelios Stavridis
, and
Kostas Ifantis

own security, others would have to emerge as great or regional powers and behave as independent geopolitical actors.40 This American globalism, then, is compatible with a set of principles that have come to be associated with world order, stability and, hence, vital US interests. Three principal objectives remained as they had for forty years: to maintain a strong European defence capacity, led by the US; to encourage a process of European integration that remained compatible with a ‘US-made’ liberal international political economy; and to continue global

in Theory and reform in the European Union
Open Access (free)
Simon Mabon

. 2 Ibid., p. 13. 3 Juan J. Linz, ‘An Authoritarian Regime: Spain’, in Erik Allardt and Stein Rokkam (ed.), Mass Politics: Studies in Political Sociology (New York: Free Press, 1970), p. 255. 4 See, in particular, the work of Rolf Schwarz, ‘The Political Economy of State-​ Formation in the Arab Middle East: Rentier States, Economic Reform and Democratization’, Review of International Political Economy, 15 (2008), 599–​621. 5 Ilkay Sunar, ‘The Politics of State Interventionism in “Populist” Egypt and Turkey’, research paper, Bogazici University, Istanbul

in Houses built on sand
Open Access (free)
The bridge, the fund and insurance in Dar es Salaam
Irmelin Joelsson

. Kpessa , M. and Béland , D. ( 2012 ). ‘ Transnational actors and the politics of pension reform in sub-Saharan Africa ’. Review of International Political Economy , 19 ( 2 ): 267–91 . Larkin , B. ( 2013 ). ‘ The politics and poetics of infrastructure ’. Annual Review of Anthropology , 42 : 327–43 . Lazzarato , M

in African cities and collaborative futures
The politics of value and valuation in South Africa’s urban waste sector
Henrik Ernstson
,
Mary Lawhon
,
Anesu Makina
,
Nate Millington
,
Kathleen Stokes
, and
Erik Swyngedouw

. Ghosh , F. Kern and M. Klare (eds), The Palgrave handbook of the international political economy of energy, 247–67 . London : Palgrave Macmillan . Lawhon , M. and Truelove , Y. ( 2020 ). ‘ Disambiguating the southern urban critique: Propositions, pathways and possibilities for a more global urban studies ’. Urban Studies , 75 ( 10 ): 3

in African cities and collaborative futures
Marta Iñiguez de Heredia

forms of social organisation and political authority. These may not be enough to stop war, change the government and the rules of international political economy, but they are an essential basis for more meaningful social and political order. 195

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making