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Jonathan Colman

commitment to East of Suez and to the parity of sterling – both of which were important to the ‘special relationship’. Wilson’s performance delighted Johnson, with the result he used his luncheon toast not only to eulogise the Prime Minister but as a means of bolstering sterling in the eyes of currency speculators. The general election In 1966 Wilson was, as ever, concerned that Britain

in A ‘special relationship’?
Jonathan Colman

Johnson’s part, Wilson’s unrealism, and Rostow’s scepticism as well as the ambivalence of Moscow. 76 It is certainly clear that the affair did strain an already fragile relationship between the Prime Minister and the President. The ‘special relationship’ On 1 January 1967, Cabinet minister Richard Crossman complained that the ‘personal reliance on LBJ’ evident in Britain’s dull, ‘Bevinite’ foreign policy

in A ‘special relationship’?
Open Access (free)
Thomas Robb

Britain’s declining significance as a military and political ally to the United States.4 Others have contradicted such arguments, insisting that Wilson’s efforts to revive the ‘special relationship’ with Washington were indeed successful. To support this, these scholars point to the ongoing intelligence and nuclear relationship and also argue that the UK provided support and, more important still, exacted a degree of influence over the United States’ wider Cold War policies.5 Other writers are more sceptical of this interpretation. While they accept that personal

in A strained partnership?
Jonathan Colman

Stuart times; our comradeship in two world wars, and in our efforts to create conditions of lasting peace following those wars. But Wilson, as he noted later, had ‘prepared no speech, and had to speak, as they say, right on’. 31 In his impromptu address he used the expression ‘close relationship’ instead of the established formulation ‘special relationship’. 32 The

in A ‘special relationship’?
A political–cultural approach
Lisbeth Aggestam

-makers perceive influence and how they relate to power. In a security community, power can be understood in terms of having a significant influence on the norms that specify common action (cf. Adler and Barnett 1998 : 52). Partner: Commitments to support and cooperate closely with another state indicate perceptions of a ‘special relationship’ and strategic partnership. This role is interesting, as it

in Rethinking European Union Foreign Policy
Between international relations and European studies
Ben Tonra and Thomas Christiansen

– joint actions and common positions – would be determined by qualified majority vote. Yet, despite these advances the reluctance of member states to submit their diplomacy to the strait-jacket of EU decision-making has remained. Individual states have maintained distinct national foreign policies, whether this is about specific regional interests, specific global issues or special relationships with other powers. This has been

in Rethinking European Union Foreign Policy
Jonathan Colman

cordial enough, but the key Anglo-American issues were already played out. Moreover, the reports of the British Ambassador Patrick Dean indicated that the increasing exposure of Britain’s weakness and declining strategic value suggested that increasingly the country was but one ally among many for the Americans. Finally, in 1969 Wilson sought to establish a ‘special relationship’ with Johnson’s successor in the White House

in A ‘special relationship’?
Jonathan Colman

–8. 45 C. J. Bartlett, ‘The Special Relationship’: A Political History of Anglo-American Relations since 1945 (London: Longman, 1992 ), pp. 110, 111. 46 Chris Wrigley, ‘Now you see it, now you don’t: Harold Wilson and Labour’s foreign policy, 1964–1970’, in R. Coopey, S. Fielding and N. Tiratsoo (eds

in A ‘special relationship’?
Jonathan Colman

as a whole, both because it is right and because it is by worldwide collaboration that we shall preserve, unspoken, the ‘special relationship’. 17 Wilson was delighted by Trend’s arguments: he jotted on the margin of the memorandum that ‘This is the best sense I have seen on this.’ He would keep the document on the top of his Washington briefs, ‘ready for quick

in A ‘special relationship’?
Open Access (free)
The international system and the Middle East
Raymond Hinnebusch

1993: 10–13). Meanwhile, blame for the resulting economic dislocation could be put on OPEC. Many Arabs continued to expect that the West’s need for oil, the tacit threat of a new embargo, and the Saudis’ special relationship with the US could still deliver the US pressure on Israel needed to achieve a peace settlement. In the end, however, the Saudis were neutralised by their American relationship. Even while the oil embargo was in place, the Saudis opted to deepen their special relation to the US and a deal was formalised in the mid-1970s when

in The international politics of the Middle East