The analytical framework
Eşref Aksu

our discussion of the UN Charter below. Secondly, the idea that there are multiple historical structures 15 which succeed each other by a process of structural transformation provides useful insight for the comparison envisaged between the early 1960s and the early 1990s. Thirdly, the notion that cohesion and contradiction are both inherent in historical structures sheds light on the

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
Open Access (free)
Kosovo and the outlines of Europe’s new order
Sergei Medvedev and Peter van Ham

spectacularly failed, morally as well as politically, to legitimise the violence and death which followed its invocation. Neumann’s quest for a ‘political entity which may legitimately speak in the name of humanity’ has so far proved futile. In fact, many, including Russia, China and most Third World countries, would see such a political entity to be embodied in the United Nations – and the UN Charter as the only source of legitimacy

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Problematising the normative connection
Eşref Aksu

are inherent in the UN Charter – for instance, that between peace and justice. 1 Perhaps more immediately noticeable are the perceived tensions between what might be labelled ‘state-centric’ 2 and ‘human-centric’ 3 principles embedded in the Charter. 4 Roberts and Kingsbury observe that the principles of territorial integrity and self-determination may

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
Open Access (free)
Reflections in a distorting mirror
Christoph Zürcher

rights by the Russian army, this criticism was widely rejected in Russia as hypocrisy. The high-intensity conflicts in Chechnya and Kosovo are over, but the war of interpretation is still going on, and binds the two cases even closer together. Russia claims that NATO’s action was a violation of the international norms, especially of the UN Charter. NATO declares that its actions were justified, because

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Open Access (free)
Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd

are equal in their right to govern themselves as a nation’ and was incorporated into both the Covenant of the League of Nations (1920) and the Charter of the United Nations (1945). The preamble to the UN Charter claims that its members ‘… reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small’. Originally seen as an

in Understanding political ideas and movements
Henrik Larsen

for autonomous action, backed by needs to develop a capacity for autonomous action backed by credible military forces . . . in order to respond to international crises without prejudice to actions by NATO. The EU will thereby increase its ability to contribute to international peace and security in accordance with the principles of the UN Charter. (Declaration by the European

in Rethinking European Union Foreign Policy
Adjusting to life after the Cold War
Kerry Longhurst

to Chancellor Kohl, enabled Germany through article 24 of the constitution to go beyond minimalist ‘Blue Helmet’ missions to active military support in line with the UN charter. Within these goals both the CDU and the CSU stressed the continuing centrality of NATO’s role. At the heart of this position were, most notably, Kohl and his Defence Minister Rühe, whose conception of the role of the Bundeswehr it was that eventually won through. The Conservative drive for an extended role for the Bundeswehr served three specific aims. • It would enhance the broader

in Germany and the use of force
Matthew S. Weinert

royal family before formal legal recognition was bestowed. Failure to adhere to the principle led to Concert-authorized interventions, political or military in nature, in Prussia, Naples and Piedmont, Spain, Bologna and Parma, Rome, Hungary and Denmark (see Weinert 2007 : 128–35). More contemporarily, the UN Charter stipulates general requirements

in Recognition and Global Politics
What contribution to regional security?
Panagiota Manoli

settlement of all disputes by the means and in accordance with the principles set out in the CSCE documents’.7 The signatories committed themselves to resisting aggression, violence, terrorism and lawlessness in order to restore peace and justice while relying, as a basis of their common understanding, on the general principles of the UN Charter and Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe. The BSEC defines security in a comprehensive way, referring not only to its military dimension, but also to political, economic and social factors. Consequently, in order to

in Limiting institutions?
Marta Iñiguez de Heredia

all it can against an extremely adverse context. This section examines these two functions of authority claims and the justification of failure found in two main actors: the MONUC/MONUSCO and the Government. MONUC/MONUSCO MONUC was set up with the legalistic wording of the UN Charter for the maintenance of international peace and security, but this was in the spirit of addressing the ‘well-being and security of the population’ as well as the ‘adverse impact of the conflict on the human rights situation’ (UN Security Council 1999: 2). Similarly, Resolution 1925

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making