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Open Access (free)
Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd

exploitation of the less developed part of the world. By the twentieth century, this model of nationalism became allied with conservatism, so closely that the radical and socialist left worked hard in most Western democracies to distance themselves from the nationalism of their political opponents and, hence, from nationalism altogether. Reactionary nationalism may stress patriotism and the unique nature of the

in Understanding political ideas and movements
Vaccine scares, statesmanship and the media
Andrea Stöckl and Anna Smajdor

of Afghanistan in 2001 and the invasion of Iraq in 2003. Blair's political style has been linked to a new type of personalised political leadership which emerged at the end of the twentieth century in western democracies. This style of politics has seen an increase in the importance of the political leader over the collective of the party. The democratic decision-making process has been reduced to one individual who influences public opinion

in The politics of vaccination
Zuzana Jezerska

] under the Communist regime was 23 per cent, 1980–85’, far higher than in many Western democracies (Siemienska, 1998:137). But it is difficult to speak about equality in a society where the ruling political party is the only ideological, economic and political power. Women were mostly organized in one association, frequently called the ‘union of women’, chaired by members of the Communist Party. While sometimes they were able to influence political decisions, decisions were not always made for the advancement of women and had to be in line with the Party. More often

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
Open Access (free)
La gauche de la gauche
Jim Wolfreys

a more stable and ordered party 104 The left system, has accentuated a crisis of representation, while post-materialist society, as we have seen, has proven a surprisingly fertile ground for protests over material issues. In the late 1980s Herbert Kitschelt argued that although France had a societal potential to generate left-libertarian parties, its concrete political opportunity structure remained unfavourable to the emergence of such organisations. The effect of neo-liberalism and attacks on the welfare state in most western democracies, moreover, meant that

in The French party system
Open Access (free)
Geoffrey Wood

crisis of Keynesianism seemed to result in a genuine policy contestation. Despite Marx’s claims of historical progress, developments provided little in the way of signposts towards a socialist future that would transcend multi-party democracy (Crouch 1979). Moreover, the ostensibly Marxist states of Eastern Europe presented a most unappealing alternative to Western democracy, and were increasingly running out of economic momentum. To Giddens, the experience of the post-war years revealed capitalism’s inherent capacity to reform itself and the space created by the

in Democratization through the looking-glass
Paul Latawski and Martin A. Smith

patterns of international relations] came in World War II when the Western democracies found themselves allied against a regime which sought not merely territorial aggrandizement or other national advantage, but rather the imposition on Europe of a totalitarian and imperialist new order. The idea of a Western community united not simply by a common military threat but by a common

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
Phil Williams

steganography (messages hidden in digital images) or more simply the use of encrypted emails. In addition, both criminals and terrorists have used global diasporas and transnational ethnic networks as cover and recruitment for their activities. As a result, combating criminal and terrorist activity has become very difficult without impeding the rapid flows of money, goods and services on which modern commerce and finance depend; and without violating the civil liberties which are the hallmark of western democracies and facilitate the efficiency of the market. Although the

in Limiting institutions?
Jonathan Wolff

that a large proportion of people in Western societies were, and perhaps still are, revolted by the idea of homosexuality, and this had been encoded in various repressive laws. Toleration takes the form, first, of nonenforcement of law, and then repeal. Yet, as Mill and Marx both point out, the law can be tolerant without society being so, and discrimination continues to take many unofficial and indirect forms. Nevertheless, the situation is largely such that Western democracies have accepted the obligation of trying to work out ways in which gay people can be

in The culture of toleration in diverse societies
Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
Shirin M. Rai

several chapters in this volume suggest, the place and ideology of political parties within the state system can either promote or hinder gender mainstreaming. A monopoly of state power poses difficult questions for gender equality. On the one hand, as Jezerska points out in chapter 8, ‘In a political sense, the women were officially equal with men under the communist system. For example, “the greatest number of women in the unicameral parliament [in Poland] under the communist regime was 23 per cent in 1980–1985, far higher than in many Western democracies” ’ (p. 171

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
Open Access (free)
Towards a contemporary aesthetic
Jonathan Dollimore

Western democracies, a confident humanism has given way to an ethic of multiculturalism; for sure, an assumption of underlying similarities is not entirely absent, but it is subordinate to a cautious embrace of cultural difference. Which is why Britain’s prime minister, as he commuted the world in October 2001 shoring up support for the coalition against terrorism, allowed it to be known that, as he travelled, he read translations of the Koran. What has become truly supranational is, of course, the very capitalism which Hesse and others saw as humanism’s enemy. At one

in The new aestheticism