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  • Manchester International Relations x
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Marta Iñiguez de Heredia

‘revolution’ but one that ‘produces a state that is representative and accountable’ (Richmond 193 Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making 2011b: 431). Here again, the ‘hybrid’ outcome of a ‘representative and accountable state’ is above an account of resistance. The dynamism of power relations is made static by the possibility of achieving a common good between resisters and their targets. The everyday framework offers the possibility to observe the commonplace presence of resistance, even when forms of conscious and organised activism are absent. Its study of

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making
Raymond Hinnebusch

less to restrain than to encourage elite foreign policy activism. But elections do give the public the ability to punish these elites when things go awry, as several Israeli prime ministers have found out (see chapter 6 , pp. 146–7; chapter 7 , pp. 186–7). Even in personalistic and authoritarian regimes the public can sometimes play an indirect role in affecting foreign policy. Especially when the state is weak or state elites are in a power struggle or when they fear the opposition can effectively use foreign policy issues against them

in The international politics of the Middle East
Adjusting to life after the Cold War
Kerry Longhurst

intervention force deplored, the SPD’s conception of Bundeswehr peacekeeping did come to include the enforcing of UN embargoes. The party’s position and voice were also hampered by fairly hefty internal dissensus. Among those inclined to activism, Hans-Ulrich Klose, Karsten Voigt and Rudolf Scharping argued that Germany should go beyond peacekeeping to participate in UN combat missions; their voices were challenged by the pacifistic wing of the party, which, in pursuit of an amilitaristic German security policy, sought to construct a party position premissed on a non

in Germany and the use of force
Open Access (free)
Kerry Longhurst

functioning of a political–military culture. This has been further confirmed after the ending of the Cold War, when during the Gulf War the ‘antimilitary animus’ ‘continued to pose potent barriers to increased activism in the area of national security’. John S. Duffield’s World Power Forsaken: Political Culture, International Institutions, and German Security Policy After Unification, also published in 1998, made a further valid contribution to understanding the cultural sources of German security policy.23 Duffield’s exposition attempts to explain the profound continuities and

in Germany and the use of force
Explaining foreign policy variation
Raymond Hinnebusch

authoritarian counterparts. The region’s most pluralist states stand out for their irredentist activism in neighbouring territory: Morocco’s annexation of Western Sahara, Israel’s settlement of the occupied territories and Turkey’s role in northern Cyprus. Although democratic peace theorists will argue that peace mostly obtains between democratic states and only kicks in when they dominate a regional system, the Middle East evidence suggests that the democratic peace may be chiefly an artifact of regions where satisfied states enjoy secure identities. As long as irredentism

in The international politics of the Middle East
Open Access (free)
M. Anne Brown

. By contrast, within the decentralised society of East Timor there was no organised independence movement. Any sign of political activism was quickly repressed by the Portuguese authorities. In the end progress towards decolonisation of East Timor was the result neither of internal nor of international pressure. It was rather the consequence of Portugal’s inability to sustain, economically or politically, that form of government of which its ‘colonial follies’ were an expression. A coup by left-wing groupings in the military, dissatisfied with the draining and

in Human rights and the borders of suffering
Dominant approaches
M. Anne Brown

perhaps most closely associated with the impulses and language of human rights activism. And yet, in another sense, the actual conceptual terrain which has since the seventeenth century generated and dominated our models of human rights is itself idealist. For it is idealism, as a thread seaming various approaches to political life, that asserts the truth and defines the ground of the universal – idealism that identifies goodness or truth in a realm of its own. In one way or another, the theories of politics and international relations that have been discussed here

in Human rights and the borders of suffering
M. Anne Brown

–3) Commonwealth Indigenous health policy – 1970s–2000s Aboriginal people throughout the country were formally registered as Australian citizens and included in the census in 1967, following a national referendum. This was the result of increasing Aboriginal civil rights activism, growing sensitivity to issues of race relations within sectors of the non-indigenous electorate and increasing international debate on issues of colonisation and racism, with many newly independent states being sharply critical of those countries, like Australia, where Indigenous

in Human rights and the borders of suffering
Geoffrey K. Roberts and Patricia Hogwood

This section provides, in the style of a dictionary, explanations of significant political events, groupings and developments.

in The politics today companion to West European Politics