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actors, akin to billiard balls 9 whose outer shells (diplomats, foreign ministers, prime ministers and heads of state) are in contact. Further, a clear distinction is made between domestic politics and international politics, with the former being seen as having little impact on the latter save as regards aspects of power (power inputs). 10 Such views may seem today passé and social constructions by recalcitrant realist scholars, but they are a fairly accurate

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century

84 DISCIPLINES 6 International Political Economy philip cerny International Political Economy, domestic politics and democracy International Political Economy (IPE) had already achieved prominence as a field of study by the start of the 21st century, but its role has changed dramatically, with issues of democratic governance and policy-making moving to the forefront. Originally, however, the roots of IPE lay in economic aspects of relations among nation-states in the international system – foreign economic policy, trade, the spread of production systems and

in Democratization through the looking-glass
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Reinterpreting Russia in the twenty-first century

prepares Western politicians and policy-makers for both realistic foreign policy and domestic political developments rather than desirable ones or wishful thinking. The mainstream view of Russia in the West has on one hand tended to see Russia as an appendage of Europe, one that is bound to Europe, rather than seeing it as a Eurasian state with interests not only in Europe but across the world. On the other

in The new politics of Russia
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industry management perspectives, theories of domestic politics, and regime theory – we develop a multi-level approach based on three models that may account for differences and change in climate strategies. The first model – the Corporate Actor model – simply states that differences in climate strategies are due to differences in company-specific factors such as core business areas, resource reserves, environmental reputation and learning capacity. The second model – the Domestic Politics model – postulates that this is not necessarily so, and instead emphasises social

in Climate change and the oil industry
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for the political economists? Perhaps the details of state control and influence over the economy are best discussed elsewhere. But the important point is that analytical divisions between the national and the international, and between the political and the economic, obstruct a more nuanced understanding of domestic political processes and their impact on democratization in the contemporary world. As Gamble et al. (1996: 10) argue, ‘The separation between the global and the local no longer holds, as the new hierarchies of the global economy cut across regional and

in Democratization through the looking-glass
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‘We’ve moved on’

question, Chapters 2 , 3 and 4 initially link to the central theme of the West’s anticipation of Russian transition, but each then turns towards more detailed exploration of the Russian views of the international environment and domestic developments, and thus offer different ways of interpreting Russian foreign policy and domestic politics. Beginning with the idea of the prevalent sense of

in The new politics of Russia
The logics underpining EU enlargement

of foreign and security policy. The classical realists, as well as their inheritors the neo-realists and neo-liberal institutionalists, ground their analysis in assumptions drawn from a logic of consequences (Baldwin 1993 ; Moravcsik 1998 ; Krasner 1999 ). It is often argued that this approach is particularly suited to studies of foreign policy issues (as opposed to domestic political issues) because of the assumption of international anarchy

in Rethinking European Union Foreign Policy
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’s climate strategy, with an emphasis on factors such as environmental risk, environmental reputation and organisational learning capacity. The second model, referred to as the Domestic Politics (DP) model, is based on the assumption that even multinational companies are heavily influenced by the framework conditions of their home-base countries in which they have their historical roots, have located their headquarters and have their main activities. This model is based on theories of state–society relationships and highlights social demands for environmental quality

in Climate change and the oil industry

exacerbate, a key source of Central Asian instability: the domestic political repression that fosters the radicalisation of Islamist movements and galvanises popular support behind them. Moreover, viewing the Islamist threat primarily as a military problem will not mitigate the various transnational concerns plaguing the region, particularly water-allocation disputes and unwanted flows of drugs, refugees and weapons.13 This danger is particularly acute since the Caucasus and Central Asian states could become zones of interstate competition similar to that in the Middle

in Limiting institutions?
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be pushed too far. The ebbs and flows in transatlantic closeness tend to reflect interests rather than sentiment.’ 17 Nigel Ashton hones the functionalist orthodoxy by emphasising the importance not only of national interest but also of factors such as ‘ideology, culture, bureaucracy, domestic politics and public opinion’. He suggests that the Anglo-American relationship in the early 1960s was highly complex and subtle: ‘To understand this

in A ‘special relationship’?