9/3/03, 9:26 T   C   68 thinkers and politicians (discussed in the previous chapter) all shared that dream even if they disagreed about the most desirable type of state. In 1981 he wrote that ‘from medieval times the Croatian nation has preserved its national-state individuality, which has been encroached upon in the Habsburg monarchy, but never shattered’19 and continued by arguing that the wealth and diversity of Croatian historical and national literature could be reduced to a national aspiration ‘for centuries to realise

in The formation of Croatian national identity
Open Access (free)
British masculinities, pomophobia, and the post-nation

fulfillment would be absolutely crucial for the successful facilitation of a post-national state with which both men and women could wholeheartedly identify – intellectually as well as, more importantly perhaps, libidinally – and which would incorporate rather than merely accommodate the nation’s vast repertoire of different narratives of national belonging. First, the people would have to communally unlearn the concept of ‘otherness’, especially in terms of the hoary mind/ body dualism that burdens women with the symbolic embodiment of the nation whilst requiring men to

in Across the margins
The Indian experience

depiction of women in films, telefilms and teleplays. As there is a significant sector of state media in television and radio, the Commission has direct access to it and greater influence in that sector than in the private media sector. It has developed THE INDIAN EXPERIENCE 233 short films on issues of women’s social status that the national state television service (Doordarshan) uses as ‘fillers’. Again, the Commission is unable to do more than try and ‘persuade’ the media executive of its cause; it is unable to enforce its preferences through any legislative

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
Open Access (free)
Albanian society and the quest for independence from statehood in Kosovo and Macedonia

‘national’ aspirations in the Balkans, western diplomats force people into new states with nobody having a clear picture of what they should look like or what they are good for. Albanians, at least, want freedom of movement all over Europe rather than a national state, and they are not interested in the heritage of corrupt and ruined socialist republics with which they never identified. But they get what others think is good for them. Since the infamous London conference on New Year’s Eve 1912–13, when a handful of ambassadors generously gave birth to the independent state

in Potentials of disorder

asserts that we “cannot make sense of claims to inclusion in the city of Florence, the region of Tuscany or the European Union without describing first the different nature of these polities and their relations with the Italian state” (p. 51). I am not so sure. One can be a sociological member of a locality or a region without being a sociological member of a national state. This is the logic of non-citizen voting in local elections. Although membership in

in Democratic inclusion
The organisation of war-escalation in the Krajina region of Croatia 1990–91

the popularisation and institutionalisation of boundary-maintenance mechanisms in Croatia in 1990. The HDZ, which formed the government after the first free multi-party elections in Croatia, increasingly integrated its nationalistic position into the newly developing postsocialist state machinery. Political antagonisms, which in the breakdown of the socialist system and the following temporary power vacuum seemed inevitable, aroused national conflicts between Croats and Serbs about the form and character of the new institutions of the developing national state. These

in Potentials of disorder
The European Union and social democratic identity

. Parties – in particular, major parties with a governmental vocation – are ubiquitous: they direct the national state, they dominate national parliaments, they control local authorities and the European Parliament, they are present in the European Council, and are even indirectly present in the Commission. At first sight, then, the influence of parties remains strong. However, depending on the particular case, their strong role (in fact, absolute domination) in an institution (e.g. national parliaments, national governments, the European Parliament) is reduced either by

in In search of social democracy
De-scribing Imperial identity from alien to migrant

with Midnight’s Children and the urban riots in 1981. Syed Manzu Islam writes: ‘If “15 August 1947” is the name of the event in the historical time of the Indian postcolonial nation state, then it is equivalent to the time of “London, 1981” – the historical time of the migrant as subject of the British national state’ (1999: 129). If Partition was the final colonial act of alienation enforced by the English in India, then its legacy, so evident in 1960s writing, began to be extirpated by the migrant’s assertion of new British ethnicities on the streets and in the

in Across the margins

decisions’. This principle could become ‘the Caucasian reply to the globalisation and separatism that destroy a national state from the top and from the bottom’; it would reflect ‘modern tendencies in state inter-connections: the formation of regional democratic communities’. The structure of this cooperation should include an all-Caucasian two-chamber Parliament, in which one chamber would incorporate national authorities (three Caucasian states and Russia); the other would join representatives from autonomous republics, regions of South Russia and national minorities. In

in Potentials of disorder

investment often benefit from tight networks between the local/national state, development agencies and labour market institutional actors (Hudson, 2003). In such cases, regime competition and insecurity of future investment may lead to greater, rather than lesser, degrees of associational/network ‘embeddedness’ with these non-firm actors, at the same time as co-opting local institutions to the vagaries of international competition. These processes of ongoing competition for productive investment have been extensively researched by a literature on global production

in Making work more equal