Search results

Douglas Blum

society, without requiring any institutionalised negotiation. Thus the advanced capitalist democracies are ‘despotically weak but infrastructurally strong’. 51 Joel Migdal, Strong Societies and Weak States: State–Society Relations and State Capabilities in the Third World (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1988). 52 On Russian state weakness as leading to the emergence of ‘mafia’ groups which exert partial control over organised violence and taxation, see Vadim Volkov, ‘Violent Entrepreneurship in Post-Communist Russia’, Europe–Asia Studies, 51:5 (1999), pp

in Limiting institutions?
Iver B. Neumann

, which was considered normal not too long ago, used to act. The Copenhagen School and violisation It is unlikely that war as a form of intensified conflict between different human collectives will disappear. Sometimes such conflicts result in the use of violence, which is itself met with violence. As a consequence, war becomes a reality, and organised violence forces itself into

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Civilisation, civil society and the Kosovo war
Mikkel Vedby Rasmussen

to monopolise the exercise of violence within society. In seventeenth-century Europe, most men of standing were carrying side-arms and were allowed to use them under certain circumstances. This practice showed that violence was a right, and occasionally even a duty of private persons, mainly because the lack of public order, and state-organised violence – ranging from standing armies to the actions

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Open Access (free)
Joe Turner

the family has been central to the management of populations, and with this life and death (also see Repo 2013). We should appreciate here how the will to domesticate, and the organised violence this often entails, is bound up with both the normative appeal of ‘family’ as the dominant unit of not only social reproduction but also intimacy (i.e. wider proximate and socio-sexual relations of ‘being together’). However, we cannot stop here. Not only is the conception and history of family that I have begun to tease out here 44 Bordering intimacy largely Eurocentric

in Bordering intimacy
Open Access (free)
Emotion, affect and the meaning of activism
Hilary Pilkington

‘confrontation’ varies and can include taunts, chants, bottle- or egg-throwing by counter-demonstrators. ‘Banter’ with counter-demonstrators is routine and ritualised and jibes about the opposition as ‘the great unwashed’ or suggestions that ‘we all want a go at them’ are delivered occasionally by speakers from the podium (field diary, 10 May 2014). Organised violence, however, is replaced by routinised scuffles which occur at easily identifiable trigger points. Corners along the route of a demonstration are one such point; as this is where the opposition often comes into view

in Loud and proud
Paul Latawski and Martin A. Smith

Kosovo be accurately termed a ‘war’ at all? War has been defined as the ‘systematic application of organised violence by one state to another to accomplish adjustments in political, economic, cultural, or military relations’. 29 The Penguin Dictionary of International Relations defines war as ‘direct, somatic violence between state actors’. 30 These broad definitions, on first reflection, seem to describe

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
Open Access (free)
Ian Scott and Henry Thompson

rather by its superiority in applying organised violence. Westerners often forget this fact; non-​ Westerners never do.’91 In World Trade Center and W. as well as the Untold History series and other documentaries during this period, notably South of the Border, Stone provided a mix of melodramatic and polemic Wa r Conclusion 69 Th e ci nem a of Ol iver   S to ne 70 assessment of America as it wrestled with the ‘War on Terror’ and its place in the world after 9/​11. Stone’s own production files show that some explicitly political materials were considered for

in The cinema of Oliver Stone
M. Anne Brown

by the organised violence of the repressive and illegitimate state. Variations of this understanding of events have been put forward, particularly by the popular Western press, by some Western academic responses and by some Chinese participants in or supporters of the demonstration. This representation was captured visually and with great iconic power in the poignant television image of the youth holding up the flower to the gun of the tank, which all at once invoked traditions of heroism, sacrifice and peace in the face of aggression and force (‘speaking truth to

in Human rights and the borders of suffering