aim to historically illustrate both the amplification
and spatial expansion of debt as a technology of power during the era
of European colonialism and resistance and how this legacy extends to
the present day. By starting from the point of view of the powerful—of
superior force and violence in the quest for differential accumulation—
we want to demonstrate how networks of indebtedness reconfigured
politicalcommunities for the benefit of creditors and capitalists and
how this continued on after formal colonialism started to come to an
end in fits and starts after
Reconstruction and reconciliation; confrontation and oppression
Kjell M. Torbiörn
1951 by founding the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC).
After attempts to set up a European Defence Community and a
European PoliticalCommunity failed in 1954, negotiations between the
‘Six’ (belonging to the overall successful ECSC) in 1957 led to the creation
of the European Economic Community (EEC).
However, West European integration projects and Central and Eastern European adaptation to Soviet communism were overshadowed
(and intensified) by pronounced East–West tensions, as expressed in the
1950–53 Korean War, the formal division of Germany into two
‘answer’ to the ‘question’ of East Timor was independent statehood, and indeed Indonesia’s violence probably left no other answer available. Effective self-determination, however, and effective international understanding of and response to East Timor’s evolving circumstances may be anything but simple. Answers to questions around how to build a reasonably peaceful political order that East Timor’s circumstances pose for its own population and leadership, and for others, may be fundamental to how we understand politicalcommunity.
The introduction outlines the book’s scope and addresses the central questions raised by the included chapters: when, how and why are bodies hidden or exhibited, and what is their effect, either desired or unintended, on various political, cultural or religious practices? With explicit reference to each chapter, a historic and disciplinary background will be presented, raising issues such as the increased application of forensic sciences on the discovered dead body, the emergence of debates surrounding necro-political strategies by states and political communities, and the economy and chain of custody over human remains resulting from historic and contemporary forms of violence.
Thus, rather than being primarily an evangelical task of ‘truth-bearing’, or an assertion of the inevitable ‘rightness’ of a particular model of government, the promotion of human rights may demand long-term engagement with particular institutions or knots of social practice – with mechanisms for constructing community – across and between cultures. Response to abuse is part of a long and slow conversation between and across cultures on the nature of politicalcommunity and the place of injury within it. In practical terms, efforts to change violent or injurious
, local and regional polities and argue that they differ in
their membership character, which I identify as birthright-based, residential
and derivative respectively. My conclusion is again that these are not
alternative conceptions of politicalcommunity but complementary ones. Each
supports the realization of specific political values (of continuity, mobility
and union) and taken together local, state and regional polities form nested
fit his idealized principles of legal equality and merit.
Honneth's dismissal of the politics of cultural
difference has consequences for his international thought. By taking
the existence of firmly established states for granted, he
underestimates how some multicultural struggles call into question
the very identity and even the boundaries of the politicalcommunity
procedures and values more or less in play in most other zones of contemporary Australian society. But it can also be approached as a product of those procedures, practices and values. These two approaches are in complex tension with each other. The way we weigh patterns of politically generated suffering, so that generations of Aboriginal ill-health and early death, often from violence, seem so extraordinarily less grave than the killings in Tiananmen Square, is itself in part informed by a Lockean language of self-possessed individuality, politicalcommunity and
comprehensive conception of democratic inclusion for democratic polities.
Projecting such a comprehensive conception to the global level is in my view
deeply problematic. However, this does not rule out a thinner conception of
global democracy that relies only on the principle of including affected
interests without aiming to build a global government and to forge humanity
into a single politicalcommunity.
Global democracy in this sense should be
citizenship not just
because we regard them as future citizens. If this were the case, one
might as well wait until they have reached the age of majority and
consider them until then subjects within the jurisdiction who have a
claim to equal protection. The reason why we recognize them as citizens
is that politicalcommunities are transgenerational human societies. The
status of membership in such communities is